Now from whence, as far as it is traceable, its course is the citadel of Athens, if the rock of the Acropolis exactly parallel to the northern Long Wall, at a dis-had not been more suitable for the purpose. tance of 550 feet from it." (Leake, p. 417.) The height of the Long Walls is nowhere stated; but we may presume that they were not lower than the walls of Peiraeeus, which were 40 cubits or 60 feet high. (Appian, Mithr. 30.) There were towers at the usual intervals, as we learn from the inscription already referred to. We now return to the Walls of the Asty. It is evident that the part of the walls of the Asty, which Thucydides says needed no guard, was the part between the northern Long Wall and the Phaleric Wall. The length of this part is said by the Scholiast in Thucydides to have been 17 stadia, and the circumference of the whole wall to have been 60 stadia. Thus the circuit of the Asty was the same as the circuit of Peiraeeus, which Thucydides estimates at 60 stadia. The distance of 17 stadia between the northern Long Wall and the Phaleric has been considered much too large; but it may be observed, first, that we do not know at what point the Phaleric wall joined the Asty, and, secondly, that the northern Long Wall may have taken a great bend in joining the Asty. In addition to this we have other statements which go to show that the circuit of the Asty was larger than has been generally supposed. Thus, Dion Chrysostom says (Orat. vi. p. 87), on the authority of Diogenes of Sinope, "that the circuit of Athens is 200 stadia, if one includes the walls of the Peiraeeus and the Intermediate Walls (i. e. the Long Walls), in the walls of the city." It is evident that in this calculation Diogenes included the portions of the walls both of the Asty and the Peiraeeus, which lay between the Long Walls; the 60 stadia of the Asty, the 60 stadia of Peiraceus, the 40 stadia of the northern Long Wall, and the 40 stadia of the southern Long Wall making the 200 stadia. Other statements respecting the extent of the walls of Athens are not so definite. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iv. 13, ix. 68) compares the walls of Athens with those of Rome, and Plutarch (Nic. 17) with those of Syracuse; the walls of Rome being, according to Pliny (iii. 5), 23 miles and 200 paces, about 185 stadia; and those of Syracuse, according to Strabo (vi. p. 270), 180 stadia. There are good grounds for believing that the walls of Themistocles extended from the gate called Dipylum, along the western descent of the hills of Pnyx and Museium, including both of these hills within their circuit; that they then crossed the Ilissus near the western end of the Museium, and ran along the heights on the left of the river, including Ardettus and the Stadium within the city; after which, making a turn to the north, they again crossed the Ilissus, and leaving Mt. Lycabettus on the east, they ran in a semicircular direction till they rejoined the Dipylum. (See the plan of Athens.) According to this account, the Acropolis stands in the middle of the Asty, as Strabo states, while Leake, by carrying the walls across the crest of the hills of Pnyx and Museium, gives the city too great an extension to the east, and places the walls almost under the very heights of Lycabettus, so that an enemy from the slopes of the latter might easily have discharged missiles into the city. It is important to show that the Museium was within the city walls. This hill is well adapted for a fortress, and would probably have been chosen for we are told that when Demetrius Poliorcetes delivered Athens from the tyranny of Lachares in B. C. 299, he first kept possession of the Peiraceus, and after he had entered the city, he fortified the Museium and placed a garrison in it. (Paus. i. 25. § 8; Plut. Demetr. 34.) Pausanias adds (1. c.), that "the Museium is a hill within the ancient walls, opposite the Acropolis." Now if the Museium stood within the walls, a glance at the map will show that the western slopes of the Pnyx hill must also have been included within them. Moreover, we find on this hill remains of cisterns, steps, foundations of houses, and numerous other indications of this quarter having been, in ancient times, thickly inhabited, a fact which is also attested by a passage in Aeschines (nepl tŵv oikhσewv tŵv èv tỷ Пvky), Aesch. in Timarch. p. 10, Steph. § 81, Bekk.). There is likewise a passage in Plutarch, which cannot be understood at all on the supposition that the ancient walls ran across the crest of the Pnyx hill. Plutarch says (Them. 19), that the bema of the Pnyx had been so placed as to command a view of the sea, but was subsequently removed by the Thirty Tyrants so as to face the land, because the sovereignty of the sea was the origin of the democracy, while the pursuit of agriculture was favourable to the oligarchy. The truth of this tale may well be questioned; but if the people ever met higher on the hill (for from no part of the place of assembly still remaining can the sea be seen), they could never have obtained a sight of the sea, if the existing remains of the walls are in reality those of Themistocles. It is unnecessary to discuss at length the direction of the walls on the south and south-eastern side of the Asty. Thucydides says (ii. 15) that the city extended first towards the south, where the principal temples were built, namely, that of the Olympian Zeus, the Pythium, and those of Ge and of Dionysus; and he adds, that the inhabitants used the water of the fountain of Callirrhoë, which, from the time of the Peisistratidae, was called Enneacrunus. A southerly aspect was always a favourite one among the Greeks; and it is impossible to believe that instead of continuing to extend their city in this direction, they suddenly began building towards the north and north-east. Moreover, it is far more probable that the walls should have been carried across the hills on the south of the Ilissus, than have been built upon the low ground immediately at the foot of these hills. That the Stadium was within the walls may be inferred from the splendour with which it was fitted up, and also from the fact that in all other Greek cities, as far as we know, the stadia were situated within the walls. Is it likely that the fountain Callirrhoë, from which the inhabitants obtained their chief supply of water, should have been outside the walls? Is it probable that the Heliastic judges, who were sworn at Ardettus (Harpocrat. s. v.), had to go outside the city for this purpose? That no traces of the walls of Themistocles can be discovered will not surprise us, when we recollect the enormous buildings which have totally disappeared in places that have continued to be inhabited, or from which the materials could be carried away by sea. Of the great walls of Syracuse not a vestige remains; and that this should have been the case at Athens is the less strange, because we know that the walls facing Hymettus and Pentelicus were built of bricks baked in the sun. (Vitruv. ii. 8; Plin. xxxv. 14.) V. EXTENT AND POPULATION. | Vesp. 707); and this was the number at which they were estimated by Demosthenes in B. c. 331. (Dem. c. Aristog. p. 785.) That the population of Attica could not have been much short of half a million may be inferred from the quantity of corn consumed in the country. In the time of Demosthenes the Athenians imported annually 800,000 medimni, or 876,302 bushels, of corn. (Dem. c. Leptin. p. 466.) Adding this to the produce of Attica, which we may reckon at about 1,950,000 medimni, the total will be 2,750,000 medimni, or 3,950,000 bushels. "This would give per head to a population of half a million near 8 bushels per annum, or 5 mediinni, equal to a daily rate of 20 ounces and 7-10ths avoirdupois, to both sexes, and to every age and condition. The ordi In estimating the extent of Athens, it is not sufficient to take into account the circuit of the walls; their form must also be borne in mind, or else an erroneous opinion will be formed of the space enclosed. Athens, in fact, consisted of two circular cities, each 60 stadia, or 7 miles, in circumference, joined by a street of 40 stadia, or 4 miles, in length. With respect to the population of Athens, it is difficult to assign the proportions belonging to the capital and to the rest of the country. The subject has been investigated by many modern writers, and among others by Clinton, whose cal-nary full ration of corn was a choenix, or the fortyculations are the most probable. The chief authority for the population of Attica is the census of Demetrius Phalereus, taken in B.C. 317. (Ctesicles, ap. Athen. vi. p. 272, b.) According to this census, there were 21,000 Athenian citizens, 10,000 metocci (μéтOKO), or resident aliens, and 400,000 slaves. Now we may assume from various authorities, that by the term citizens all the males above the age of 20 years are meant. According to the population returns of England, the proportion of males above the age of twenty is 2430 in 10,000. The families, therefore, of the 21,000 citizens amounted to about 86,420 souls; and reckoning the families of the metoeci in the same proportion, the total number of the free population of Attica was about 127,000 souls. These, with the addition of the 400,000 slaves, will give 527,000 as the aggregate of the whole population. eighth part of a medimnus, or about 281⁄2 ounces." It is impossible to determine the exact population of Athens itself. We have the express testimony of Thucydides (ii. 14) that the Athenians were fond of a country life, and that before the Peloponnesian war the country was decorated with houses. Some of the demi were populous: Acharnae, the largest, had in B. c. 431, 3000 hoplites, implying a free population of at least 12,000, not computing slaves. Athens is expressly said to have been the most populous city in Greece (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 24; Thuc. i. 80, ii. 64); but the only fact of any weight respecting the population of the city is the statement of Xenophon that it contained more than 10,000 houses. (Xen. Mem. iii. 6. § 14, Oecon. 8. § 22.) Clinton remarks that "London contains 7} persons to a house; but at Paris formerly the proportion was near 25. If we take about half the proportion of Paris, and assume 12 persons to a house, we obtain 120,000 for the population of Athens; and we may perhaps assign 40,000 more for the collective inhabitants of Peiraecus, Munychia and Phalerum." Leake supposes the population of the whole city to have been 192,000; and though no certainty on the point can be attained, we cannot be far wrong in assuming that Athens contained at least a third of the total population of Attica. The number of slaves has been considered excessive; but it must be recollected that the agricultural and mining labour of Attica was performed by slaves; that they served as rowers on board the ships; that they were employed in manufactures, and in general represented the labouring classes of Modern Europe. We learn from a fragment of Hypereides, preserved by Suidas (s. v. άeynpioaтo), that the slaves who worked in the mines and were employed in country labour, were more than 150,000. It appears from Plato (de Rep. ix. p. 578, d. e) that there were many Athenians, who possessed fifty slaves each. Lysias and Polemarchus had 120 slaves in their manufactory (Lys. c. Eratosth. p. 395); and Nicias let 1000 slaves to a person who undertook the work-reckons the population of the city ing of a mine at Laurium. (Xenoph. de Vectig. 4.) at 180,000. There is therefore no good reason for supposing that the slaves of Attica are much overrated at 400,000, which number bears nearly the same proportion to the free inhabitants of Attica, as the labouring classes bear to the other classes in Great Britain. The preceding account has been chiefly taken from Clinton (F. H. vol. ii. p. 387, seq., 2nd ed.) and Leake (p. 618), with which the reader may compare the calculations of Böckh. (Public Econ. of Athens, p. 30, seq., 2nd ed.) The latter writer and the harbours VI. GATES. Of the gates of the Asty the following are mentioned by name, though the exact position of some of them is very doubtful. We begin with the gates on the western side of the city. If we go back from the time of Demetrius Phalereus to the flourishing period of Athenian history, we shall find the number of Athenian citizens gene- 1. Dipylum (Aíπvλov), originally called the rally computed at about 20,000, which would give Thriasian Gate (Opiaσiai Пóλa), because it led about half a million as the total population of Attica. to Thria, a demus near Eleusis (Plut. Per. 30), Twenty thousand were said to have been their num- and also the Ceramic Gate (Kepaμeikal Пúλai), as ber in the time of Cecrops (Philochorus, ap. Schol. being the communication from the inner to the outer ad Pind. Ol. ix. 68), a number evidently transferred Cerameicus (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 8; comp. Plut. from historical times to the mythical age. In B. C. Sull. 14), was situated at the NW. corner of the city. 444 they were 19,000; but upon a scrutiny under- The name Dipylum seems to show that it was contaken by the advice of Pericles, nearly 5000 were structed in the same manner as the gate of Megalostruck off the lists, as having no claims to the fran- polis at Messene, with a double entrance and an inchise. (Plut. Pericl. 37; Philoch. ap. Schol. ad termediate court. It is described by Livy (xxxi. 24) Aristoph. Vesp. 716.) A few years afterwards as greater and wider than the other gates of Athens, (B. G. 422) they had increased to 20,000 (Aristoph. | and with corresponding approaches to it on either side; and we know from other authorities that it | the city by this gate, and not by the Dipylum, as was the most used of all the gates. The street Wordsworth and Curtius supposed, nor by a gate within the city led directly through the inner Cera- between the Hill of the Nymphs and the Dipylum, meicus to the Agora; while outside the gate there as Ross has more recently maintained. (Ross, in were two roads, both leading through the outer Ce Kunstblatt, 1837, No. 93.) rameicus, one to the Academy (Liv. l. c.; Cic. de Fin. v. 1; Lucian, Scyth. 4), and the other to Eleusis. [See below, No. 2.] The Dipylum was sometimes called Anμiádes Пúλai, from the number of prostitutes in its neighbourhood. (Lucian, Dial. Mer. 4. § 3; Hesych. s. vv. Anuiáoi, Kepaμeikós; Schol. ad Aristoph. Equit. 769.) 4. The Melitian Gate (ai Meλitídes Пúλai), at the SW. corner of the city, so called from the demus Melite, to which it led. Just outside this gate were the Cimonian sepulchres, in which Thucydides, as well as Cimon, was buried. In a hill extending westwards from the western slope of the Muscium, on the right bank of the Ilissus, Forchhammer (p. 347) discovered two great sepulchres, It is exceedingly improbable that Pausanias entered the city by the Dipylum, as Wordsworth, Cur-hewn out of the rock, which he supposes to be the tius, and some other modern writers suppose. [See below, No. 3.] Cimonian tombs. The valley of the Ilissus was here called Coele (Koiλŋ), a name applied as well to the district within as without the Melitian Gate. This appears from a passage in Herodotus (vi. 103), who says that Cimon was buried before the city at the end of the street called dià Koiλns, by which he clearly means a street of this name within the city. Other authorities state that the Cimonian tombs were situated in the district called Coele, and near the Melitian Gate. (Marcellin. Vit. Thuc. §§ 17, 32, 55; Anonym. Vit. Thuc. sub fin.; Paus. i. 23. § 9; Plut. Cim. 4, 19.) Müller erroneously placed the Peiraic Gate on the NE. side of the city. On the southern side: 2. The Sacred Gate (ai 'Iepal Пúλa), S. of the preceding, is identified by many modern writers with the Dipylum, but Plutarch, in the same chapter (Sull. 14), speaks of the Dipylum and the Sacred Gate as two different gates. Moreover the same writer says that Sulla broke through the walls of Athens at a spot called Heptachalcon, between the Peiraic and the Sacred Gates; a description which would scarcely have been applicable to the Heptachalcon, if the Sacred Gate had been the same as the Dipylum. [See the plan of Athens.] The Sacred Gate must have derived its name from its being the termination of the Sacred Way to Eleusis. But it appears that the road leading from the Dipylum was also called the Sacred Way; since Pausanias says (i. 36. § 3) that the monument of Anthemocritus was situated on the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis, and we know from other authorities that this monument was near the Dipylum or the Thriasian Gate. (Plut. Per. 30; Hesych. s. v. 'Aveeμóκριτος.) Hence, we may conclude that the Sacred Way divided shortly before reaching Athens, one road leading to the Sacred Gate and the other to the Dipylum. The street within the city from the Sacred Gate led into the Cerameicus, and joined the 6. The Gate of Diochares (ai ▲10xápovs Пúλai) street which led from the Dipylum to the Agora.leading to the Lyceium, and near the fountain of We read, that when the soldiers penetrated through the Sacred Gate into the city, they slew so many persons in the narrow streets and in the Agora, that the whole of the Cerameicus was deluged with blood, which streamed through the gates into the suburbs. (Plut. Sull. 14.) 3. The Peiraic Gate ( Пepaïǹ Пúλŋ, Plut. Thes. 27, Sull. 14), S. of the preceding, from which ran the quairós or carriage road between the Long Walls, from the Asty to the Peiraeeus. It has been already remarked that the ȧuagirós lay between the two Long Walls, and the marks of carriage wheels may still be seen upon it. It was the regular road from the Asty to the Peiraeeus; and the opinion of Leake (p. 234), that even during the existence of the Long Walls, the ordinary route from the Peiraeeus to the Asty passed to the southwards of the Long Walls, has been satisfactorily refuted by Forchhammer (p. 296, seq.). The position of the Peiraic Gate has been the subject of much dispute. Leake places it at some point between the hill of Pnyx and Dipylum; but we have no doubt that Forchhammer is more correct in his supposition that it stood between the hills of Pnyx and of Museium. The arguments in favour of their respective opinions are stated at length by these writers. (Leake, p. 225, seq., Forchhammer, p. 296, seq.) Both of them, however, bring forward convincing arguments, that Pausanias entered 5. The Itonian Gate (ai 'Irwvía Пúλai), not far from the Ilissus, and leading to Phalerum. The name of this gate is only mentioned in the Platonic dialogue named Axiochus (c. 1), in which Axiochus is said to live near this gate at the monument of the Amazon; but that this gate led to Phalerum is clear from Pausanias, who, in conducting his reader into Athens from Phalerum, says that the monument of Antiope (the Amazon) stood just within the gate. (Paus. i. 2. § 1.) On the eastern side: Panops. (Strab. ix. p. 397; Hesych. s. v. Пávo.) 7. The Diomeian Gate (ai Aióμeiai Пúλai), N. of the preceding, leading within the city to the demus Diomeia, and outside to the Cynosarges. (Steph. B. s. vv. Aióμela, Kuvóoapyes; Diog. Laërt. vi. 13; Plut. Them. 1.) On the northern side: 8. The Herian Gate (ai 'Hplaι Пúλa), or the Gate of the Dead, so called from pía, a place of sepulture. (Harpocrat. s. v.) The site of this gate is uncertain; but it may safely be placed on the north of the city, since the burial place of Athens was in the outer Cerameicus. 9. The Acharnian Gate (αἱ 'Αχαρνικαί Πύλαι, Hesych. s. v.), leading to Acharnae. 10. The Equestrian Gate (αἱ Ιππάδες Πύλαι, Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 849, c.), the position of which is quite uncertain. It is placed by Leake and others on the western side of the city, but by Kiepert on the NE., to the north of the Diomeian Gate. 11. The Gate of Aegeus (ai Alyéws Пúλαι, Plut. Thes. 12), also of uncertain site, is placed by Müller on the eastern side; but, as it appears from Plutarch (l. c.) to have been in the neighbourhood of the Olympicium, it would appear to have been in the southern wall. There were several other gates in the Walls of the Asty, the names of which are unknown. VII. GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE CITY, HOUSES, STREETS, WATER, &c. The first appearance of Athens was not pleasing to a stranger. Dicaearchus, who visited the city in the fourth century before the Christian era, describes it "as dusty and not well supplied with water; badly laid out on account of its antiquity; the majority of the houses mean, and only a few good." He adds that "a stranger, at the first view, might doubt if this is Athens; but after a short time he would find that it was." (Dicaearch. Bíos Ts 'EXAddos, init., p. 140, ed. Fuhr.) The streets were narrow and crooked; and the meanness of the private houses formed a striking contrast to the magnificence of the public buildings. None of the houses appear to have been of any great height, and the upper stories often projected over the streets. Themistocles and Aristeides, though authorised by the Areiopagus, could hardly prevent people from building over the streets. The houses were, for the most part, constructed either of a frame-work of wood, or of unburnt bricks dried in the open air. (Xen. Mem. iii. 1. §7; Plut. Dem. 11; Hirt, Baukunst der Alten, p. 143.) The front towards the street rarely had any windows, and was usually nothing but a curtain wall, covered with a coating of plaster (Kovíaua: Dem. de Ord. Rep. P. 175; Plut. Comp. Arist. et Cat. 4); though occasionally this outer wall was relieved by some ornament, as in the case of Phocion's house, of which the front was adorned with copper filings. (Plut. Phoc. 18; Becker, Charikles, vol. i. p. 198.) What Horace said of the primitive worthies of his own country, will apply with still greater justice to the Athenians during their most flourishing period : — "Privatus illis census erat brevis, mon sewers." This account must be taken with some modifications, as we are not to suppose that conveniences. It would appear, however, that few Athens was totally unprovided with these public of the streets were paved; and the scavengers did not keep them clean, even in dry weather. The city was not lighted (Becker, Charikles, vol. ii. p. 211); and in the Wasps of Aristophanes we have an amusing picture of a party at night picking their way through the mud, by the aid of a lantern (Vesp. 248); and during a period of dry weather, as further appears from their own remarks. It would seem, from several passages in Aristophanes, that Athens was as dirty as the filthiest towns of southern Europe in the present day; and that her places of public resort, the purlieus of her sacred edifices more especially, were among the chief repositories of every kind of nuisance. (Aristoph. Plut. 1183, seq., Nub. 1384, seq., Eccles. 320, seq., Vesp. 394; from Mure, vol. ii. p. 46.) We have not much information respecting the supply of water at Athens. Dicaearchus, as we have already seen, says that the city was deficient in this first necessary of life. There was only one source of good drinking water, namely, the celebrated fountain, called Callirhoë or Enneacrunus, of which we shall speak below. Those who lived at a distance from this fountain obtained their drinking water from wells, of which there was a considerable number at Athens. (Paus. i. 14. § 1.) There were other fountains in Athens, and Pausanias mentions two, both issuing from the hill of the Acropolis, one in the cavern sacred to Apollo and Pan, and another in the temple of Aesculapius; but they both probably belonged to those springs of water unfit for drinking, but suited to domestic purposes, to which Vitruvius (viii. 3) alludes. The water obtained from the soil (Mure, vol. ii. p. 98). It was not till the Mace- of Athens itself is impregnated with saline particles. donian period, when public spirit had decayed, that It is, however, very improbable that so populous a the Athenians, no longer satisfied with participating city as Athens was limited for its supply of drinkable in the grandeur of the state, began to erect hand-water to the single fountain of Callirhoë. We still some private houses. "Formerly," says Demosthenes," the republic had abundant wealth, but no individual raised himself above the multitude. If any one of us could now see the houses of Themistocles, Aristeides, Cimon, or the famous men of those days, he would perceive that they were not more magnificent than the houses of ordinary persons; while the buildings of the state are of such number and magnitude that they cannot be surpassed;" and afterwards he complains that the statesmen of his time constructed houses, which exceeded the public buildings in magnitude. (Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 689, Olynth. iii. pp. 35, 36; Böckh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, p. 64, seq., 2nd ed.; Becker, Charikles, vol.i. p. 188.) The insignificance of the Athenian houses is shown by the small prices which they fetched. Böckh (Ibid. p. 66) has collected numerous instances from the orators. Their prices vary from the low sum of 3 or 5 minas (127. 3s. 9d. and 20l. 6s. 3d.) to 120 minas (4877. 10s.); and 50 minas (2037. 2s. 6d.) seem to have been regarded as a considerable sum for the purchase of a house. Athens was inferior to Rome in the pavement of its streets, its sewers, and its supply of water. "The Greeks," says Strabo (v. p. 235), " in building their cities, attended chiefly to beauty and fortification, harbours, and a fertile soil. The Romans, on the other hand, provided, what the others neglected, the pavement of the streets, a supply of water, and com find traces in the city of water-courses (dpoppóai) own name. There stood in the time of Stuart, at | the foot of the south-eastern extremity of Mt. Lycabettus, the remains of an arch, which was part of the frontispiece of a reservoir of this aqueduct. The piers of some of the arches of this aqueduct are still extant, particularly to the eastward of the village of Dervish-agú, five or six miles to the north of Athens. (Leake, p. 202, and Appendix XIII., "On the Supply of Water at Athens.") VIII. TOPOGRAPHY OF THE ACROPOLIS OR POLIS. The Acropolis, as we have already remarked, is a square craggy rock, rising abruptly about 150 feet, with a flat summit of about 1,000 feet from east to west, by 500 feet broad from north to south. It is inaccessible on all sides, except the west, where it is ascended by a steep slope. It was at one and the same time the fortress, the sanctuary, and the museum of the city. Although the site of the original city, it had ceased to be inhabited from the time of the Persian wars, and was appropriated to the worship of Athena and the other guardian deities of the city. It was one great sanctuary, and is therefore called by Aristophanes ἄβατον ̓Ακρόπολιν, ἱερὸν TéμEVOS. (Lysistr. 482; comp. Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 428, oλns ouons iepas Tns 'AKPожÓλews.) By the artists of the age of Pericles its platform was covered with the master-pieces of ancient art, to which additions continued to be made in succeeding ages. The sanctuary thus became a museum; and in order to form a proper idea of it, we must imagine the summit of the rock stripped of every thing except temples and statues, the whole forming one vast composition of architecture, sculpture, and painting, the dazzling whiteness of the marble relieved by brilliant colours, and glittering in the transparent clearness of the Athenian atmosphere. It was here that Art achieved her greatest triumphs; and though in the present day a scene of desolation and ruin, its ruins are some of the most precious reliques of the ancient world. The Acropolis stood in the centre of the city. Hence it was the heart of Athens, as Athens was the heart of Greece (Arist. Panath. i. p. 99, Jebb); and Pindar no doubt alluded to it, when he speaks of ἄστεος ὀμφαλὺς θυόεις ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς ̓Αθάναις. (Frag. p. 225, Dissen.) It was to this sacred rock The that the magnificent procession of the Panathenaic festival took place once in four years. The chief object of this procession was to carry the Peplus, or embroidered robe, of Athena to her temple on the Acropolis. (Dict. of Ant. art. Panathenaea.) In connection with this subject it is important to dis. tinguish between the three different Athenas of the Acropolis. (Schol. ad Aristid. p. 320, Dindorf.) The first was the Athena Polias, the most ancient of all, made of olive wood, and said to have fallen from heaven; its sanctuary was the Erechtheium. second was the Athena of the Parthenon, a statue of ivory and gold, the work of Pheidias. The third was the Athena Promachus, a colossal statue of bronze, also the work of Pheidias, standing erect, with helmet, spear, and shield. Of these three statues we shall speak more fully hereafter; but it must be borne in mind that the Peplus of the Panathenaic procession was carried to the ancient statue of Athena Polias, and not to the Athena of the Parthenon. (Wordsworth, p. 123, seq.) The three goddesses are alluded to in the following remarkable passages of the Knights (1165, seq.) of Aristophanes, which we subjoin, with Wordsworth's comments: ΚΛ. ἰδοὺ φέρω σοι τήνδε μαζίσκην ἐγώ. ΑΛΛ. ἐγὼ δὲ μυστίλας μεμυστιλημένας ὑπὸ τῆς θεοῦ τῇ χειρὶ τῇ ἐλεφαντίνῃ.* ΔΗ. ὡς μέγαν ἄρ' εἶχες, ὦ πότνια, τὸν δάκτυλον ΚΛ. ἐγὼ δ ̓ ἔτνος γε πίσινον εὔχρων καὶ καλόν. ἐτόρυνε δ' αὔθ ̓ ἡ Παλλὰς ἡ Πυλαιμάχος.† ΑΛΛ. ὦ Δῆμ ̓ ἐναργῶς ἡ Θεός σ' ἐπισκοπεῖ, καὶ νῦν ὑπερέχει σου χύτραν ζωμοῦ πλέαν. ΚΛ. τουτὶ τέμαχος σοὔδωκεν ἡ Φοβεσιστράτη. ΑΛΛ. ἡ δ ̓ ὀβριμοπάτρα γ ̓ ἑφθὸν ἐκ ζωμοῦ κρέας καὶ χόλικος ἠνύστρου τε καὶ γαστρός τόμον. ΔΗ. καλῶς γ' ἐποίησε τοῦ πέπλου μεμνημένη. * i. e. The chryselephantine statue of the goddess in the Parthenon, the hands of which were of ivory. † i. e. The bronze colossal statue of Athena Promachus, standing near the Propylaea (Пvλaíuaxos). Her shield and spear are here ludicrously converted into a χύτρα and τορύνη. Her gigantic form is expressed by únepéXEL. i. e. The Athena Polias in the Erechtheium: this line is a convincing proof that the Peplus was dedicated to her. |
