peared in the Japanese waters (1602), and | Many priests had remained lurking in Japan The calumnies the Jesuits suffered from an English captain of a Dutch ship (William accresciuto il desiderio, che nel petto del Ré sions during his recovery from a concussion of the brain, bore from the Queen of Spain a splendid robe to wrap round the body of Francis Xavier, whose tomb was opened for that purpose during the night by several priestly dignitaries of Goa (1635). The Father Mastrilli put between the fingers of the dead man a letter declaring himself the saint's child, servant, and slave, and vowing to follow in his footsteps. He rendered important assistance to the Spaniards in the subjugation of the island of Mindanao, one of the Philippines. With much difficulty he made his way to Japan, there to perish (1637), after committing a number of extravagancies. For a moment it seemed as if Christianity would gain another chance. The Prince Fide-jori, son of Taicosama, had grown up to manhood in the great city of Ozaca under These were the Dutch, and every one knows by what humiliating restrictions they bought the privilege. This barbarous decree has never to this day been abrogated in a constitutional manner; and the retainers of the Prince of Satsuma, who committed the murder which brought about the bombardment of the first city in Japan that received an European envoy in the person of Francis Xavier, perpetrated the deed in accordance with the laws of the empire, which still re The persecutions became bloodier and bloodier, and the trade with the Portuguese was placed under ever-increasing restrictions. No foreigners were allowed to reside in any part of Japan save Nagasaki, and all the half-caste descendants of the marriages between the Portuguese and natives of Japan were banished from the islands. is In the year 1635, the Dutch captured a Portuguese ship, in which they found letters from the Japanese Christians praying for aid. They forwarded them to the Siogun, and it easy to imagine the result. The Christians of Arima, finding the persecutions intolerable, rose to the number of 37,000, placed at their head a descendant of their ancient kings, and seized the fortress and isthmus of Xiniabara. Here they stood sternly at bay against an army of 80,000 men, assisted by the artillery of the Dutch; but failing of provisions and the munitions of war, they sallied out, and died sword in hand. The Jesuits had already got up a mock embassy to the Siogun, which had been detected and turned back; and in 1640 the merchants of Macao, who made their fortune by conducting a neutral trade between China and Japan, sent a ship to Nagasaki to try if commercial relations could not be re-established. The ship was seized and burnt, thirteen of the crew sent back in a junk, sixty-one were beheaded, and a gibbet was raised on the island of Decima with this inscription :— 'As long as the sun shines in the world, let no one have the boldness to land in Japan even in quality of Ambassador, except those who are allowed by the laws to come for the sake of commerce.' A renewed effort of the Roman Catholic clergy to penetrate into the empire of the Rising Sun was made in 1642, exactly a hundred years after the Apostle of the Indies landed at Goa to commence his eventful mission. Five Jesuits and three other priests landed in the territories of the Prince of Satsuma, but were almost immediately arrested and put to death. In the year 1709, Mr. Dickson tells us, the Abbé Sidotti, an Italian priest of good family, made a desperate attempt to enter Japan, and succeeded in getting landed on the coast of Satsuma, where he was arrested and detained in the neighbourhood of Jeddo until his death. This was the last effort made by the Church of Rome to gain converts in Japan until our own days, when these missionary efforts are being again renewed. Kept carefully excluded from intercourse with the foreigner, the Japanese Christians gradually lost all remembrance of the faith which they had learnt from the mouths of the European priests. A thousand Japanese Christians are said to have suffered death for their religion; the rest were kept under the closest surveillance, forced to carry the image of some idols round their necks, and were called upon at stated times to worship the gods of the empire. Some of their descendants exist at Yeddo to this day, despised as people of the most infamous class, and still bearing the name of a religion of whose creed they know nothing.* None will deny the necessity of studying the history and modes of thought of the Japanese if we wish to deal prudently with them; and hence the Letters of the Jesuits, to which we have directed attention in this article, deserve and will repay careful study. The Japanese are our antipodes in more things than in geographical position. 'Nowhere,' says Sir Rutherford Alcock, 'is the present more completely interwoven with and traditions more indelibly and plainly stampthe past, or the impress of a nation's history ed in the lineaments of an existing generation, *See Voyage autour du Japon,' par Rodolphe Lindau, chap. xii. p. 247. Paris, 1864. than in Japan. The present is heir to the past always and everywhere, in the life of nations no less than of individuals; but the present is linked to the past in Japan in a sense so peculiar that it is worthy of special attention. This study of the past can alone furnish a key to the character and policy of the nation, in the possession of which lies our best hope of the future, and of turning what it may have in store to good account. We must, indeed, read both the present and future of Japan by the light of the past, for by such reflected light alone can either be rightly understood.' The history of Japan up to the renewed opening of some of its ports to foreign commerce in 1858 was one of peace and prosperity. Since then it has been full of great and momentous events, presenting many difficult questions to European diplomatists, and giving the greatest concern to every Japanese anxious for the welfare of his country; but this lies beyond our present subject. ART. XL-1. The Army Regulation Bill. By 2. Letters on Military Organisation. Bernstorf or Baron Brunow to Prince Bismarck or Prince Gortchakoff:-The truth is, this country has so neglected its military organisation that it has no power to enforce its own views. Any course, therefore, that is pleasing to our Imperial master may be taken. Doubtless, the English Ministry will protest, but that may be neglected. A threat of war will soon put a stop to any complaints that may annoy your Excellency. They have no army, no fortresses; their richest cities are completely open to attack, and heavy requi sitions may be levied on them. The country is teeming with wealth, scattered and unprotected, all over the world. Your Excellency can do anything you please; far from being in a position to interfere with you, England is helpless to protect itself.' The art of war is changing; and the English nation has not learned the use of the modern instruments and appliances of the military art or the necessity of organisation and forethought, while it has forgotten the old traditions bequeathed to it by its great leaders, and has lost its former confidence, self-reliance, and self-denial. We propose to direct the attention of our readers to some of the changes that have taken place in the art of war, to the present state of the British army (the weapon with which the nation must encounter these changes), and to the scheme of Army Reform which the Government has put forward. We premise these remarks by observing that in questions of such vital importance as those involved in national defence-that is, national existence-we entertain no party feelTrans-ing. 4. The Army of Great Britain; what it is 5. On the Prussian Infantry, 1869. MR. FROUDE, in his History of England,' describing the state of this country at the accession of Elizabeth, remarks:-The art of war was changing; and the English peasantry, so far from having been taught the use of harquebuss and pistol, were no longer familiar with even their own bows and bills. "The truth is," de Feria, the Spanish ambassador, said, writing to his master, "the truth is, the realm is in such a state, that we could best negotiate here sword in hand. They have neither men, money, leaders, nor fortresses, while the country contains in abundance every requisite for the support of an army.' Such was the state of England in 1558. Three centuries have passed away, and our present position is much what it then was. A future writer on English history, who may be fortunate enough to unearth the treasures of a Russian or Prussian Simancas, may find some such letter as the following from Count National defence touches each individual too closely to allow of party distinction. We care not who the statesman is, to what political faith he may adhere: let him but place the national defence on a sure basis; let him but give the country a military organisation such as will press lightly on the people, either as regards their persons or their pockets; such as will enable the voice of England, when raised in the councils of nations, to be again heard with that respect which, from her wealth, civilization, and population, she is entitled to expect; and we are sure that he will obtain the hearty support of the country. Such a statesman will confer a lasting benefit not only on his own country, but on the world at large; on his own country, because he will have removed a constant source of irritation and unquiet which-let men deny it as they choosetends to lower and degrade England in the eyes of her own people; on the world at large, because the voice of England, ever raised to counsel peace and moderation, will then be listened to, instead of being disre The history of war forms a portion of the general history of man. Each successive stage of civilization has marked an improvement in the art. As knowledge has increased and discoveries have been made, we invariably find that knowledge and those discoveries applied to perfect the means of attack and defence. The laws which govern the sciences of mechanics, chemistry, and electricity, have been investigated and turned to practical use; and it is to improved arms, railways, and telegraphs that the changes in the art of war are due. garded, as at present, with scarcely concealed | munications of the different bodies of troops, contempt. when on the line of march, being now easily kept up by telegraph, and the roads by which they march being no longer blocked and crowded by vast trains of waggons and pack-animals, the moment of arrival of the various fractions of an army at any given point or points may now be arranged almost to a certainty. Hence the application of the two great modern discoveries to war; the railway, which gives the power of rapid movement, and the telegraph, which bestows the power of instantaneous communication, have enabled a modern general to operate over a far larger area and with a far greater force than formerly. From this follows the necessity of dividing an army into component portions, or smaller armies, each complete in itself, and of allowing a far greater latitude not only to the generals who command these armies, but even to the inferior officers right down through the long chain of responsibility to the privates themselves. When we survey the wars that have recently taken place, and compare them with those waged at the close of the last, and the beginning of the present century, we are at once struck by the fact that personal qualifications and influence have lost much of their power. We do not see great masses of human beings swayed and stimulated by the genius of a single man. Recent wars have produced no Suwarrow, no Blücher, no Napoleon. But we find war taking its place amongst the exact sciences, study and forethought becoming as requisite for the man who wields an army as for him who designs a steam engine or constructs a railway. We are informed by the author of the 'Prussian Infantry in 1869,' no mean judge of what he wrote about, that No one contested the fact that the breechloader was in itself a very superior weapon, but the cardinal point was, whether the common soldier would be able to attain to that degree of military education, or whether his intelligence would ever become sufficiently developed, to enable him properly to make use of that delicate and dangerous arm. If this could be attained, then certainly the weapon would be Mere drilling will never make such soldiers; they must not merely act at word of command, but according to their own judgment, and of their own accord, which will then operate, so that the humblest soldier will become able to take an active part in the battle.' irresistible. To obtain the full advantages which railways and telegraphs give, the greatest care must be bestowed on what may be termed the sinews and nerves of an army. Consequently, we find the staff, the artillery, engineers, and administrative branches, have been largely increased, and more carefully educated and trained; large fortresses have been built to command and control the new means of communication which science has given; commercial harbours have been protected and guarded by torpedoes; and artillery of the most powerful kind has been mounted on fortifications. Without entering into details which must be familiar to all our readers, the issue is reduced to very narrow limits. The whole art of war is changed; how shall we meet the change? Our old weapons are useless and obsolete: how shall we improve and reform them? During the last few years the nation has been gradually beginning to see the defenceless condition in which it is placed. The Volunteer movement was one of the results of this feeling. It marked an entire want of confidence in the power of our military institutions to protect the country, or of the ability of our rulers to reform them. The words of Bacon well deserve to be pondered. 'When a warlike state grows soft and effeminate they may be sure of a war; for, commonly, such states are grown rich in the time of their degenerating, and so the prey inviteth, and their decay in valour encourageth war.' France for twenty years has gradually become soft and effeminate, she has grown very rich, and the hand of the spoiler has fallen heavily on her. How stands the case with England? She has grown rich, very rich, and the prey inviteth.' Has she, too, grown soft and effeminate? What means has she got to protect her wealth from the hand of the spoiler ? When Mr. Cardwell assumed the office of Secretary of State for War, nothing was more remarkable than the uneasy state of, not only the officers, but also the privates of the army. The numerous attacks made on the army in Parliament, the exaggerated and erroneous statements of misinformed persons, and, above all, the violent language of a certain section of the Radical press, had produced their natural results. To say that the bonds of discipline, the confidence of officers and men, inter se, were relaxed, would be too strong a statement. But still those who know the army best will acknowledge that the foundations on which these things rest, were somewhat shaken. The officers of the army, from the Commanderin-Chief to the junior ensign, were held up to contempt; they were described as the 'froth,' and the privates as the scum of so⚫ciety.' The officers of the artillery and engineers, who had obtained their commissions by a public competition, as free and unreserved as the most ardent Radical could desire,* found that they were being continually passed over and neglected. In 1867 a Select Committee of the House of Commons, moved for by Mr. Childers, reported that the retirements and consequent promotion of the artillery and engineers was 'very complicated, uncertain in its operation, based upon no clear principle, and inadequate for its purpose; that as regards 'keeping each rank in an efficient state, and getting rid of worn-out officers, the present arrangements work badly.' Sir J. Pakington disregarded, in toto, the recommendation of the Committee. Is it to be wondered at, that a certain amount of soreness was felt throughout the scientific corps ? The Department of Control had just been introduced with a high hand, quite irrespective of the feelings or wishes of the army, in opposition to the opinion of Lord Strathnairn's Committee, on the recommendations of which it was said to be based : uneducated, ignorant men were put to perform duties which required a considerable amount of scientific knowledge. Artillery and engi * About ten per cent. of the young men who compete for the Royal Military Academy are commissioned in the Artillery; about one-half that number in the Engineers. neer officers-specially educated men—were placed as subordinates to commissariat officers who had no such training-thus showing clearly the small amount of respect paid to scientific knowledge. General officers in command were placed in the most equivocal position with regard to their own subordinates, who assumed the right of directing and controlling them in the discharge of their duties.* The militia and regular army were only partially armed with breech-loaders, and the Volunteers still had the old muzzle-loading Enfield rifle. Turning to the defensive works for the protection of the coast, we find the works for the protection of the Royal Dockyards nearly completed, but entirely unarmed, the guns to be mounted on them being still under consideration, while the great commercial ports of the country-Liverpool, the Clyde, the Forth, the Tyne, and the Humber were perfectly open and unprotected in any way. Such was the state of our defences when Mr. Gladstone's Government succeeded to office, pledged to retrenchment, and to give peace and repose to Ireland by disestablishing the Church, and passing a Land Bill. Continuing the policy of the last Government, troops were largely withdrawn from the Colonies. Had the measure stopped there, the policy might have been a wise one. Concentration is strength; but the soldiers brought home from the Colonies. were simply discharged. How this could add to our strength it is difficult to understand. Large quantities of stores were sold; only obsolete ones we were told; but still, as no new purchases were made, obsolete stores were better than none. Workmen were discharged from the arsenals freely. No money was allowed for the purposes of experiment, in order to develop the latest and cheapest system of harbour defence,that by means of submarine mines. Officials and soldiers were hastily discharged, no attempts being made to arrange for their recall, if subsequently required. By such means Mr. Cardwell, in moving the Estimates of 1870, showed a saving of nearly two millions. It is, however, a simple process to re cote's Committees. Not only do these two reports contradict one another, but the chief wit nesses contradict themselves. *This has been pointedly denied in the House of Commons. But the regulations on the subject are very clear. Should the general officer disagree with the Controller, the latter forwards & report of the disagreement, countersigned by the former, to the Secretary of State for War. In official life, reports invariably pass from the sub There are few things that have more completely shaken the faith of the army in its rulers than the reports of Lords Strathnairn and North-ordinate to the superior. |