leaves little doubt that Pliny had heard of the ACE- The ethnical affinities, however, both of the ancient and the modern people, have always presented a most difficult problem; the most probable opinion is that which makes them a remnant of the most ancient Iberian population. (W. von Humboldt, Urbewohner von Hispanien, Berlin, 1821, 4to.) Strabo (iii. p. 157) mentions a tradition which derived them from Laconian settlers, of the period of the Trojan war. and the Tuïsi (Tovlooi), about the sources of the Iberus. These are all mentioned by Strabo (iii. pp. | 155, 156, 162). Mela names also the Origenomesci or ARGENOMESCI (iii. 1), and some minor tribes are mentioned by Ptolemy and other writers. Of the nine cities of Cantabria, according to Pliny, JULIOBRICA alone was worthy of mention. (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4, iv. 20. s. 34.) Ptolemy mentions these nine cities as follows: near the sea coast, Noegaucesia (Noryαovкeola), a little above the mouth of a river of the same name (ii. 6. § 6); and, in the interior, Concana (Kóykava), Ottaviolca (OTTAOUIóλka), Argenomescum ('Apyevouéσkov), Vadinia (Ovadivía), Vellica (QuéλAika), Camarica (Kaudpika), Juliobriga ('Iovλióŝpiya), and Moroeca (Mópoika, ii. 6. § 51). Pliny also mentions Blendiam (prob. Santander); and a few places of less importance are named by other writers. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. i. pp. 443, 444.) Strabo places among the Cantabri the sources of the rivers Iberus (Ebro) and Minius (Minho), and the commencement of Mt. Idubeda, the great chain which runs from NW. to SE. between the central table-land of Spain and the basin of the Ebro. (Strab. iii. pp. 153, 159, 161.) [P. S.] CANTAE, a people of Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy as lying to the NE. of the Caledonian Wood, between that district and the Logi. This gives them the tract between the Murray and Dornoch Firths. As the Kentish CANTIUM PROMONTORIUM was the North Foreland, so was the Scottish CANTAE, probably, Tarbet Ness. [R. G. L.] CANTANUS (Κάντανος, Steph. Β.; Καντανία, Hierocles: Eth. Kavrávios, Steph. B.), a city of Crete, which the Peutinger Table fixes at 24 M. P. from Cisamos. It was a bishop's see under the Byzantine emperors, and when the Venetians obtained possession of the island they established a Latin bishop here, as in every other diocese. Mr. Pashley (Trav. vol. ii. p. 116) found remains of this city on a conical hill about a mile to the S. of Khadros. The walls can be traced for little more than 150 paces; the style of their masonry attests a high antiquity. [E. B. J.] CA'NTHARUS PORTUS. [ATTICA, p. 307, a.] CANTHI SINUS (Kávði kóλños: Gulf of Cutch), a great gulf, on the W. coast of India intra Gangem, between Larice and the mouths of the Indus. (Ptol. vii. 1. §§ 2, 55, 94.) The country on its shores was called SYRASTRENE; and Ptolemy mentions the island of Barace (Cutch) as lying in it. The pseudo-Arrian calls it the Irinus Sinus (Eipuór), and the interior portion, behind the island of Cutch (now known as the Runn), he calls Baraces (Bapáкns), and states that it contains seven islands (they are, in fact, more numerous); and he deUnder the Roman empire, Cantabria belonged to scribes the dangers of its navigation (Peripl. Mar. the province of Hispania Tarraconensis, and contained Erythr. p. 23, Hudson). The Runn is now a mere seven tribes. (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4.) Of these tribes morass. [P. S.] the ancient geographers apologise for possessing only CANTILIA, a place in Gallia, which the Table imperfect information, on the ground of the bar-fixes on the road between Aquae Nerae (Néris) and barian sound of their names. (Strab. iii. pp. 155, Augustonometum (Clermont). D'Anville supposes 162; Mela, iii. 1.) Among them were the Pleu- that it may be one of the two places called Chantelletauri (Пeúraupoi); the Bardyetae or Bardyali (Bap-la-Vieille and Chantelle-le-Châtel, for the name is dunτai, Bapdúaλot), probably the VARDULI of Pliny the same, and the distauces agree very well. [G.L.] (iii. 3. s.4, iv. 20. s. 34); the Allotriges ('Aλλóτpɩyes), CANTIUM (Kávтtov), in Britain. Naine for probably the same as the AUTRIGONES; the Conisci name, the county Kent. Probably the two areas (Kovioko), probably the same as the Coniaci (Kw-coincide as well, or nearly so. Mentioned by Caesar viakol) or Concani (Kavkavoi), who are particularly mentioned in the Cantabrian War (Mela, iii. 1; Horat. Carm. iii. 4. 34; Sil. Ital. iii. 360, 361); as being that part of the coast where the traffic with Gaul was greatest, and where the civilisation was highest. The North Foreland was called Cantium Promontorium. (Caes. B. G. v. 13, 14, 22; Strab. | Canusium is mentioned both by Procopius and P. i. p. 63, iv. pp. 193, 199; Ptol. ii. 3. § 27; comp. CANTAE.) [R. G. L.] CANU'SIUM (Kavúσiov, Pol.; Strab.; Steph. B.; Kavovalov, Ptol.; Eth. Kavvoivos or Kavvoiτns, Canusinus: Canosa), one of the most ancient and important cities of Apulia, situated near the right bank of the Aufidus, about 15 miles from its mouth. It was on the line of the high road from Beneventum to Brundusium, and was distant 26 miles from Herdonia, and 23 from Rubi. (Itin. Ant. p. 116.) The foundation of Canusium, as well as that of the neighbouring city of Arpi, was generally ascribed to Diomed (Strab. vi. p. 284; Hor. Sat. i. 5. 92), though the legends relating to that hero seem to have been in general more intimately connected with the latter city. It is probable that they were both of them of Pelasgian origin, and were the two most powerful cities of the Daunian or Pelasgian Apulians; but there is no historical account of either of them having received a Greek colony, and there seem good reasons for believing that the strong infusion of Hellenic civilisation which we find prevailing at Canusium was introduced at a comparatively late period. The first historical mention of Canusium is during the wars of the Romans with the Samnites, in which the Canusians took part with the latter, until the repeated devastations of their territory by the Romans induced them to submit to the consul L. Plautius in B. c. 318. (Liv. ix. 20.) From this time they appear to have continued steadfast in their attachment to Rome, and gave the strongest proofs of fidelity during the Second Punic War. After the great disaster of Cannae, the shattered remnants of the Roman army took refuge in Canusium, where they were received with the utmost hospitality and kindness; nor did Hannibal at any time succeed in making himself master of the city. (Liv. xxii. 52 -54, 56; Appian, Annib. 26; Sil. Ital. x. 389.) But in the Social War Canusium joined the other cities of Apulia in their defection from Rome; and during the second campaign of the war (B. C. 89) it was besieged without success by the Roman praetor Cosconius, who was obliged to content himself with ravaging its territory. (Appian, B. C. i. 42, 52.) A few years afterwards (B. c. 83) it was the scene of an important battle between Sulla and C. Norbanus, in which the latter was defeated with great less, and compelled to evacuate the whole of Apulia, and fall back upon Capua. (Id. i. 84.) It probably suffered severely from these wars; and Strabo speaks of it as in his day much fallen from its former greatness. But its name is more than once mentioned during the Civil Wars, and always as a place of some consequence: we learn from other sources that it not only continued to maintain its municipal existence, but appears to have been almost the only city of Apulia, besides the two Roman colonies of Luceria and Venusia, which retained any degree of importance under the Roman empire. (Hor. l.c.; Caes. B.C. i. 24; Cic. ad Att. viii. 11; Appian, B. C.v. 57; Capit. M. Ant. 8; Plin. iii. 11. s. 16; Ptol. iii. 1. § 72; Mela, ii. 4.) It appears to have received a Roman colony for the first time under M. Aurelius, whence we find it bearing in an inscription the titles of "Colonia Aurelia Augusta Pia." Its deficiency of water, alluded to by Horace, was supplied by the munificence of Herodes Atticus, who constructed a splendid aqueduct, some remains of which are still visible. (Lib. Colon. p. 260; Philostr. Vit. Sophist. ii. 1. § 6; Drelli, Inscr. 2630; Zumpt, de Coloniis, p. 427.) Diaconus as one of the principal cities of Apulia (Procop. B. G. iii. 18; P. Diac. Hist. ii. 22), and appears to have preserved its importance until a late period of the middle ages, but suffered severely from the ravages of the Lombards and Saracens. The modern city of Canosa, which contains about 5000 inhabitants, is situated on a slight eminence that probably formed the citadel of the ancient city, which appears to have extended itself in the plain beneath. Strabo speaks of the great extent of the walis as attesting in his day the former greatness and prosperity of Canusium; and the still existing remains fully confirm his impression. Many of these, however, as the aqueduct, amphitheatre, &c., are of Roman date, as well as an ancient gateway, which has been erroneously described as a triumphal arch. (Romanelli, vol. ii. pp. 262-267; Swinburne, Travels, vol. i. p. 401.) Great numbers of inscriptions of Imperial date have also been discovered; one of which is curious, as containing a complete list of the municipal senate, or Decurions of the colony, with their several gradations of rank. It has been published with an elaborate commentary by Damadeno. (Aes Redivivum Canusinum, fol. Lugd. Bat.) But the most interesting relics of the ancient city are the objects which have been found in the numerous tombs in the neighbourhood, especially the painted vases, which have been discovered here in quantities scarcely inferior to those of Nola or Volci. They are, however, for the most part of a later and somewhat inferior style of art, but are all clearly of Greek origin, and, as well as the coins of Canusium, prove how deeply the city was imbued with Hellenic influences. It is even probable that, previous to the Roman conquest, Greek was the prevailing language of Canusium, and perhaps of some other cities of Apulia. The expression of Horace, "Canusini bilinguis" (Sat. i. 10. 30), seems to be rightly explained by the scholiast to refer to their speaking Greek and Latin. (Mommsen, U. I. Dialekte, p. 88.) The extensive and fertile plain in which Canusium was situated, and which was the scene of the memorable battle of Cannae, is called by some writers CAMPUS DIOMEDIS (Liv. xxv. 12; Sil. Ital. viii. 242), though this is evidently rather a poetical designation than a proper name. The whole plain S. of the Aufidus, and probably for some distance on the left bank also, appears to have belonged to the Canusians, and we learn from Strabo (p. 283) that they had a port or emporium on the river at a distance of 90 stadia from its mouth. The territory of Canusium was adapted to the growth of vines as well as corn, but was especially celebrated for its wool, which appears to have been manufactured on the spot into a particular kind of cloth, much prized for its durability. (Varr. R. R. i. 8; Plin. viii. 48. s. 73; Martial, ix. 22. 9, xiv. 127; Suet. Ner. 30.) The stony or gritty quality of the bread at Canusium, noticed by Horace, has been observed also by modern travellers (Swinburne, p. 166): it doubtless results from the defective quality of the millstones employed. [E. H. B.] CA'PARA (Káлapa: Eth. Caparenses: las Ventas de Caparra, large Ru. E. of Plasencia), a city of the Vettones in Lusitania, on the high road from Emerita to Caesaraugusta. (Itin. Ant. p. 433; Plin. iv. 21. s. 35; Ptol. ii. 5. § 8; Florez, Esp. S. xiv. p. 54.) [P.S.] CAPE'ÑA (Eth. Capenas, -atis), an ancient city of Etruria, which is repeatedly mentioned during the early history of Rome. It was situated to the NE. of Veii, and SE. of Falerii, about 8 miles from the foot of Mt. Soracte. From an imperfect passage of Cato, cited by Servius (ad Aen. vii. 697), it would seem that Capena was a colony of Veii, sent out in pursuance of the vow of a sacred spring. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 120; Müller, Etrusker, vol. i. p. 112.) It however appears, when we first find it mentioned in history, as an independent city, possessing a considerable extent of territory. It is not till the last war of the Romans with the Veientines, that the name of the Capenates appears in the Roman annals; but upon that occasion they took up arms, together with the Faliscans, in defence of Veii, and strongly urged upon the rest of the Etruscan confederation the necessity of combining their forces to arrest the fall of that city. (Liv. v. 8, 17.) Their efforts were, however, unsuccessful, and they were unable to compel the Romans to raise the siege, while their own lands were several times ravaged by Roman armies. After the fall of Veii (B. c. 393), the two cities who had been her allies became the next object of hostilities on the part of the Romans; and Q. Servilius invaded the territory of Capena, which he ravaged in the most unsparing manner, and by this means, without attempting to attack the city itself, reduced the people to submission. (Liv. v. 12, 13, 14, 18, 19, 24.) The blow seems to have been decisive, for we hear no more of Capena until after the Gaulish War, when the right of Roman citizenship was conferred upon the citizens of Veii, Falerii, and Capena (or such of them at least as had taken part with the Romans), and the conquered territory divided among them. Four new tribes were created out of these new citizens, and of these we know that the Stellatine tribe occupied the territory of Capena. (Liv. vi. 4,5; Fest. s.v. Stellatina.) From this time Capena disappears from history as an independent community, and only a few incidental notices attest the continued existence of the city. Cicero mentions the "Capenas ager" as remarkable for its fertility, probably meaning the tract along the right bank of the Tiber (pro Flacc. 29); and on this account it was one of those which the tribune Rullus proposed by his agrarian law to portion out among the Roman people. (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 25.) This design was not carried out; but at a later period it did not escape the rapacity of the veterans, and all the more fertile parts of the plain adjoining the river were allotted to military colonists. (Cic. ad Fam. ix. 17: Lib. Colon. p. 216, where it is, by a strange corruption, called "Colonia Capys.") Numerous inscriptions attest the continued existence and municipal rank of Capena under the Roman empire down to the time of Aurelian (Orell. Inscr. 3687, 3688, 3690; Nibby, Dintorni, vol. i. p. 377), but from this date all trace of it is lost: it probably was altogether abandoned, and the very name became for gotten. Hence its site was for a long while unknown; but in 1756 a Roman antiquarian of the name of Galetti was the first to fix it at a spot still called Civitucola (now more frequently known as S. Martino, from a ruined church of that name), about 24 miles from Rome, between the Via Flaminia and the Tiber. The ancient city appears, like those of Alba Longa and Gabii, to have occupied a steep ridge, forming part of the edge of an ancient crater or volcanic basin, now called Il Lago, and must have been a place of great strength from its natural position. No remains are visible, except some traces and foun dations of the ancient walls; but these, together with the natural conformation of the ground, and the discovery of the inscriptions already cited, clearly identify the spot as the site of Capena. It was about 4 miles on the right of the Via Flaminia, from which a side road seems to have branched off between 19 and 20 miles from Rome, and led directly to the ancient city. It was situated on the banks of a small river now called the Grammiccia, which appears to have been known in ancient times as the Capenas. (Sil. Ital. xiii. 85.) Concerning the site and remains of Capena, see Galetti, Capena Mu cipio dei Romani, 4to., Roma, 1756; Gell, Top. of Rome, pp. 149-151; Nibby, Dintorni, vol. i. pp. 375-380; Dennis's Etruria, vol. i. pp. 183-185. In the territory of Capena, and near the foot of Mount Soracte, was situated the celebrated sanctsary and grove of FERONIA, called by Roman writers Lucus Feroniae and Fanum Feroniae, which seems to have in later times grown up into a considerable town. [FERONIA.] [E. H. B.] CAPERNAUM (Kapapraoúμ), a town of Galilee, situated on the northern shore of the Sea of Tiberias, frequently mentioned in the Gospel narrative, and so much resorted to by our Lord as to be called "His own city." (St. Matth. ix.) It was situated on the borders of Zabulon and Naphthali, and is joined with Chorazin and Bethsaida in the denunciations of our Lord. (St. Matth. xi. 23.) It is probably the Kepaprun of Josephus, to which he was carried when injured in a skirmish near the Jordan. (Vita, § 72.) The name, as written in the New Testament, occurs in Josephus only in connection with a fountain in the rich plain of Gennesareth, which he says was supposed to be a branch of the Nile. (B. J. iii. 9. § 8.) The fountain of this name has not unnaturally led some travellers to look for the town in the same plain as the synonymous fountain; and Dr. Robinson finds the site of Capernaum at Khan Minich (vol. iii. pp. 288-294), and the fountain which Josephus describes as fertilising the plain, he finds at 'Ain-et-Tin, hard by the Khan, which rises close by the lake and does not water the plain at all. The arguments in favour of this site, and against Tell Húm, appear equally inconclusive, and there can be little doubt that the extensive ruins so called, on the north of the lake, about two miles west of the embouchure of the Jordan, retain traces both of the name and site. As to the former, the Kefr (village) has been converted into Tell (heap) in accordance with fact, and the weak radical of the proper name dropped, has changed Nahum into Hûm, so that instead of “ Village of Consolation," it has appropriately become "the ruined heap of a herd of camels." That Tell Hum is the site described as Capernaum by Arculphus in the 7th century, there can be no question. It could not be more accurately described. "It was confined in a narrow space between the mountains on the north and the lake on the south, extending in a long line from west to east along the sea shore." The remains of Roman baths and porticoes and buildings, still attest its former importance. (Described by Robinson, vol. iii. pp. 298, 299; see also Reland's Palestine, pp. 882-884.) [G.W.] CAPHA'REUS, or CAPHE'REUS (Kapńpeus), a rocky and dangerous promontory, forming the south-eastern extremity of Euboea, now called Karo Doro or Xylofúgo; it was known by the latter name in the middle ages. (Tzetzes, ad Lycophr. 384.) It was off this promontory that the Grecian fleet was wrecked on its return from Troy. (Eurip. Troad. 90, Helen. 1129; Herod. viii. 7; Strab. viii. p. 368; Paus. ii. 23. § 1, iv. 36. § 6; Virg. Aen. xi. 260; Prop. iii. 5. 55; Ov. Met. xiv. 472, 481, Trist. i. 1. 83, v. 7. 36; Sil. Ital. xiv. 144; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 423.) CAPISA (Káriσa or Káтioα, Ptol. vi. 18. § 4; Capissa, Plin. vi. 23. s. 25), a city of a district probably named after it, CAPISSENE, and included in the wider district of the Paropamisus or Hindu Kush CA'PHYAE (Kapúai: Eth. Kavárns, Ka- mountains. According to Pliny, it was destroyed by Queús), a town of Arcadia situated in a small plain, Cyrus; but we have no reason for supposing that NW. of the lake of Orchomenus. It was protected Cyrus ever got so far NE., and, if it had been, it against inundations from this lake by a mound or would hardly have been noticed by Ptolemy. It is dyke, raised by the inhabitants of Caphyae. The probably the same as the Caphusa of Solinus (c. 54), city is said to have been founded by Cepheus, the which was near the Indus. It has been suspected son of Aleus, and pretended to be of Athenian origin. that Capissene represents the valley of the Kabul (Paus. viii. 23. §2; Strab. xiii. p. 608.) Caphyae river, and Capisa the town on the Indus now called subsequently belonged to the Achaean league, and Peshawar. It is not Kabul, which has been satiswas one of the cities of the league, of which Cleo-factorily proved by Professor Wilson to occupy the menes obtained possession. (Pol. ii. 52.) In its site of the ancient Ortospanum. Lassen (Zur neighbourhood a great battle was fought in B. C. 220, Gesch. d. Kon. Bactr. p. 149) finds in the Chinese in which the Aetolians gained a decisive victory over annals a kingdom called Kiapiche in the valley of the Achaeans and Aratus. (Pol. iv. 11, seq.) The Ghurbend, to the E. of Bamian. It is very probable name of Caphyae also occurs in the subsequent that Capisa and Kiapiche are identical. [V.] events of this war. (Pol. iv. 68, 70.) Strabo (viii. CAPİSSE'NE. [CAPISA.] p. 388) speaks of the town as in ruins in his time; but it still contained some temples when visited by Pausanias (1. c.). The remains of the walls of Caphyae are visible upon a small insulated height at the village of Khotússa, which stands near the edge of the lake. Polybius, in his description of the battle of Caphyae, refers "to a plain in front of Caphyae, traversed by a river, beyond which were trenches (Tάppo), a description of the place which does not correspond with present appearances. The Tappo were evidently ditches for the purpose of draining the marshy plain, by conducting the water towards the katavóthra, around which there was, probably, a small lake. In the time of Pausanias we find that the lake covered the greater part of the plain; and that exactly in the situation in which Polybius describes the ditches, there was a mound of earth. Nothing is more probable than that during the four centuries so fatal to the prosperity of Greece, which clapsed between the battle of Caphyae and the visit of Pausanias, a diminution of population should have caused a neglect of the drainage which had formerly ensured the cultivation of the whole plain, and that in the time of the Roman empire an embankment of earth had been thrown up to preserve the part nearest to Caphyae, leaving the rest uncultivated and marshy. At present, if there are remains of the embankment, which I did not perceive, it does not prevent any of the land from being submerged during several months, for the water now extends very nearly to the site of Caphyae." (Leake.) Pausanias says that on the inner side of the embankment there flows a river, which, descending into a chasm of the earth, issues again at a place called NASI (Ndoo); and that the name of the village where it issues is named RHEUNUS ('Peuvos). From this place it forms the perennial river TRAGUS (Tpayos). He also speaks of a mountain in the neighbourhood of the city named CNACALUS (Krákaλos), on which the inhabitants celebrate a yearly festival to Artemis Cnacalesia. Leake remarks that the mountain above Khotússa, now called Kastania, seems to be the ancient Cnacalus. The river Tara is probably the ancient Tragus. (Leake, Morea, vol. iii. p. 118, seq., Peloponnesiaca, p. 226; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 150.) CAPIDA'VA (Karidaba), a town in Moesia, where a garrison of Roman cavalry was stationed. It is perhaps to be identified with the modern Tscher CAPITIUM (Kamiтiov: Eth. Capitinus: Capizzi), a city of Sicily, mentioned only by Cicero and Ptolemy, but which appears from the former to have been a place of some importance. He mentions it in conjunction with Haluntium, Enguium, and other towns in the northern part of the island, and Ptolemy enumerates it among the inland cities of Sicily. This name has evidently been retained by the modern town of Capizzi, the situation of which on the southern slope of the mountains of Caronia, about 16 miles from the Tyrrhenian Sea, and the same distance from Gangi (Enguium), accords well with the above indications. (Cic. in Verr. iii. 43; Ptol. iii. 4. § 12; Cluver. Sicil.) [E. H. B.] CAPITOLIAS, a town of Peraea, or Coelesyria, exhibited in the Peutinger Tables, between Gadara and Adraa, and placed in the Itinerary of Antoninus on the road between Gadara and Damascus, between Neue and Gadara, 16 miles from the latter and 38 from the former. It is otherwise unknown, except that we find an Episcopal see of this name in the Ecclesiastical Records. (Reland, p. 693.) [G.W.] CAPITULUM (Kanírovλov, Strab.), a town of the Hernicans, which, though not noticed in history, is mentioned both by Pliny and Strabo among the places still existing in their time. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 9; Strab. v. p. 238.) We learn also from the Liber Coloniarum (p. 232) that it had been colonised by Sulla, and it seems to have received a fresh accession of colonists under Caesar. (Zumpt, de Colon. pp. 252, 306.) An inscription, in which it is called "Capitulum Hernicorum," proves it to have been a place of municipal condition under the empire. This inscription was discovered on the road from Palestrina (Praeneste) to a place called Il Piglio, a small town in the mountains, about 20 miles from Palestrina, and 8 from Anagni, which may plausibly be supposed to occupy the site of Capitulum. (Muratori, Inscr. p. 2049.4; Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 383.) [E. H. B.] CA'PORI. [GALLAECIA.] CAPOTES (Dújik Tágh), a mountain of Armenia, from the spurs of which Pliny (v. 20. s. 24), on the authority of Licinius Mucianus, describes the Euphrates as taking its rise. He fixes its position 12 M. P. above Zimara. Pliny (l. c.) quotes Domitius Corbulo in placing the sources of the Euphrates in Mt. Aba, the same undoubtedly as the Abus of Strabo (xi. p. 527). Capotes therefore formed part of the range of Abus. St. Martin (Mém. sur CAPPADOCIA (Kannadonla: Eth. Karnadó. kns, Kannádo§, -dokos). This extensive province of Asia lies west of the Euphrates, and north of Cilicia: its limits can only be defined more exactly by briefly tracing its history. The names Cappadox and Cappadocia doubtless are purely Asiatic, and probably Syrian names, or names that belong to the Aramaic languages. The Syri in the army of Xerxes, who were armed like the Paphlagones, were called Cappadocae by the Persians, as Herodotus says (vii. 72); but this will not prove that the name Cappadocae is Persian. These Cappadocae (Herod. i. 72) were called Syri or Syrii by the Greeks, and they were first subject to the Medi and then to the Persians. The boundary between the Lydian and the Median empires was the Halys, and this river in that part of its course where it flows northward, separated the Syrii Cappadocae on the east of it from the Paphlagones on the west of it. We may collect from Herodotus' confused description of the Halys, that the Cappadocae were immediately cast of that part of the river which has a northern course, and that they extended to the Euxine. In another passage (v. 49) the Cappadocae are mentioned as the neighbours of the Phrygians on the west, and of the Cilicians on the south, who extended to the sea in which Cyprus is, that is to the Mediterranean. Again (v. 52) Herodotus, who is describing the road from Sardes to Susa, makes the Halys the boundary between Phrygia and Cappadocia. But in another passage he places Syrians on the Thermodon and the Parthenius (ii. 104), though we may reasonably doubt if there is not some error about the Parthenius, when we carefully examine this passage. It does not seem possible to deduce anything further from his text as to the extent of the country of the Cappadocians as he conceived it. The limits were clearly much less than those of the later Cappadocia, and the limits of Cilicia were much wider, for his Cilicia extended north of the Taurus, and eastward to the Euphrates. The Syrii then who were included in the third nome of Darius (Herod. iii. 90) with the Paphlagones and Mariandyni were Cappadocae. The name Syri seems to have extended of old from Babylonia to the gulf of Issus, and from the gulf of Issus to the Euxine (Strab. p. 737). Strabo also says that even in his time both the Cappadocian peoples, both those who were situated about the Taurus and those on the Euxine, were called Leucosyri or White Syrians, as if there were also some Syrians who were black; and these black or dark Syrians are those who are east of the Amanus. (See also Strab. p. 542.) The name Syria, and Assyria, which often means the same in the Greek writers, was the name by which the country along the Pontus and east of the Halys was first known to the Greeks, and it was not forgotten (Apoll. Argon. ii. 948, 964; Dionys. Perieg. v. 772, and the comment of Eustathius). Under the Persians the country called Cappadocia in its greatest extent, was divided into two satrapies; but when the Macedonians got possession of it, they allowed these satrapies to become kingdoms, partly with their consent, and partly against it, to one of which they gave the name of Cappadocia, properly so called, which is the country bordering on Taurus; and to the other the name of Pontus, or Cappadocia on the Pontus. (Strab. p. 534.) The satrapies of Cappadocia of course existed in the time of Xenophon, from whom it appears that Cappadocia had Lycaonia on the west (Anab. i. 2. § 20); but Lycaonia and Cappadocia were under one satrap, and Xenophon mentions only one satrapy called Cappadocia, if the list at the end of the seventh book is genuine. Cappadocia, in its widest extent, consisted of many parts and peoples, and underwent many changes; but those who spoke one language, or nearly the same, and, we may assume, were one people, the Syri, were bounded on the south by the Cilician Taurus, the great mountain range that separates the table land of Cappadocia from the tract along the Mediterranean; on the east they were bounded by Armenia and Colchis, and by the intermediate tribes that spoke various languages, and these tribes were numerous in the mountain regions south of the Black Sea; on the north they were bounded by the Euxine as far as the mouth of the Halys; and on the west by the nation of the Paphlagones, and of the Galatae who settled in Phrygia as far as the borders of the Lycaonians, and the Cilicians who occupy the mountainous (7pxea) Cilicia. (Strab. p. 533.) The boundaries which Strabo here assigns to the Cappadocian nation agree very well with the loose description of Herodotus, and the only difference is that Strabo introduces the name of the Galatae, a body of adventurers from Gaul who fixed themselves in Asia Minor after the time of Herodotus. The ancients, however (ol waλatoi), distinguished the Cataones from the Cappadocians as a different people, though they spoke the same language; and in the enumeration of the nations, they placed Cataonia after Cappadocia, and then came the Euphrates and the nations east of the Euphrates, so that they placed even Melitene under Cataonia, which Melitene lies between Cataonia and the Euphrates, and borders on Commagene. Ariarathes, the first man who had the title of king of the Cappadocians, attached Cataonia to Cappadocia. (Strab. p. 534, in whose text there is some little confusion, but it does not affect the general meaning; Groskurd's note on the passage is not satisfactory.) The kings of Cappadocia traced their descent from one of the seven who assassinated the usurper Smerdis, B. C. 521. The Persian satraps who held this province are called kings by Diodorus; but their power must have been very insecure until the death of Seleucus, the last of the successors of Alexander, B. C. 281. Ariarathes I., as he is called, died in B. C. 322. He was defeated by Perdiccas, who hanged or impaled him. Ariarathes II., a son of Holophernes, brother of Ariarathes I., expelled the Macedonians from Cappadocia, and left it to Ariamnes, one of his sons, called the second; for the father of Ariarathes I. was called Ariamnes, and he had Cappadocia as a satrapy. Ariamnes II. was followed by Ariarathes III., and he was succeeded by Ariarathes IV., who joined King Antiochus in his war against the Romans, who afterwards acknowledged him as an ally. He died B.C. 162. His successors were Ariarathes V. and VI., and with Ariarathes VI. the royal family of Cappadocia became extinct, about |