such lands as had been made forest by his predecessor; 3, That he would abolish the tax called Danegelt, which, after having been given up by the Confessor, had been restored by the Norman kings. On the other hand, the bishops tendered their allegiance only for so long as the king should maintain the privileges of the church; and the lay barons appear to have also qualified their oath by a similar condition as to his preservation of their estates and honours. Nothing like this had taken place at the commencement of any previous reign since the Conquest. In January of the following year, 1136, after seeing the body of the late king interred at Reading, Stephen convened a great council of the bishops and the nobility at Oxford, and there signed a charter of the liberties of the church and state, in which he styled himself "Stephen, by the grace of God, elected king of the English by assent of the clergy and the people, consecrated by William, archbishop of Canterbury and legate of the holy Roman Church, and confirmed by Innocent the Pontifex of the holy Roman see." He had shortly before this obtained a bull from Pope Innocent, confirming his election. In this charter he repeated more distinctly the engagements under which he had come at his coronation, declaring besides that he would cause to be observed all the ancient and just laws of the kingdom. There is also a shorter charter of Stephen's, dated at London, which seems to have preceded this, and which was probably granted at or immediately after his coronation. In that he expressly grants to his French and English subjects all the good laws and good customs which they had in the time of the Confessor, a clause which is not found in the larger charter. The confirming clause of the latter also has the qualification, "salva regia et justa dignitate mea"-saving my royal and just dignity, which the other is without. Meanwhile a feeble attempt had been made by Matilda and her husband to take possession of Normandy; but the Normans themselves, without any assistance from Stephen, soon drove out the army of Angevins which had entered their country. In England at this moment not a hand or voice was lifted up for the daughter of the late king. Even the Earl of Gloucester came forward with the other barons, and did homage, and took the oath of fealty, to Stephen. After a short while however opposition arose in various quarters. In the spring of the year 1136, King David of Scotland, Matilda's uncle, advancing at the head of an army, overran the northern counties, and compelled the barons of those parts to swear fealty to Matilda, and to give hostages for the performance of their oath; and although he agreed to a peace when Stephen marched against him, and restored the lands and castles he had taken, he refused to do homage to the king of England for his possessions in that country. He suffered his eldest son Prince Henry however to do homage for the honour of Huntingdon, which, with the towns of Carlisle and Doncaster, was conferred upon him by Stephen. Meanwhile, during Stephen's detention on the northern border, an insurrection in Matilda's favour broke out in Wales, which he could never effectually suppress, but was obliged to satisfy himself with merely endeavouring to prevent it from extending itself beyond that quarter of the kingdom. Then, although he had obtained the investiture of the duchy of Normandy from the French king Louis, it soon appeared that his possession of the country was only to be retained by force of arms, and that while he had to keep back with the one hand the persevering attacks of the Angevins, he had an almost equally troublesome enemy to keep down with the other in the native chiefs, a large proportion of whom, sometimes arraying themselves on his side, sometimes on that of Matilda, evidently aimed at taking advantage of the contest between the two rivals, to throw off the yoke of the one as well as of the other, and to secure, if not the national independence, at least their individual emancipation from all superiority. And the same spirit quickly began to show and spread itself in England. In some districts the standard of Matilda was raised by the Earl of Gloucester, and various places of strength were seized upon and garrisoned in her name; elsewhere the barons fortified their castles on their own account, and set up each as an independent chieftain. Stephen had his hands full of work with all this disorder and rebellion in the south, when the king of Scotland again appeared on the northern borders. After having ravaged Northumberland with unusual ferocity in the winter of 1137, David and his half-barbarian host retired to Roxburgh, on the approach of the English king in the beginning of the following year; but as soon as Stephen was recalled to the south, the Scots again crossed the border in the end of March 1138. They had taken the castle of Norham, and laid siege to other fortresses, when they were met by Thurstin, archbishop of York, at the head of an army composed of the retainers of the northern English barons, and defeated by him in the famous battle of the Standard, fought on the 22nd of August, 1138, on Cutton Moor, in the neighbourhood of Northallerton. Peace however was not concluded with the Scots till the 9th of April in the following year, when Stephen found himself under the necessity of yielding up to Prince Henry the earldom of Northumberland, with the exception of the forts of Newcastle and Bamborough, for which he engaged to make over to him estates of equivalent value in the south of England. But by this time the unfortunate English king had found another, and, as it turned out, by far his most formidable enemy. He had quarrelled with the Church. Resolved to reduce the inordinate power of Roger, bishop of Salisbury, and his two nephews, Alexander

and Nigel, bishops of Lincoln and Ely, he had at a council held at Oxford, in June 1138, arrested Roger and Alexander; and although Nigel made his escape, he was eventually compelled to surrender his castle of Devizes, as his brother and his uncle had been to give up theirs of Newark, Salisbury, Sherburn, and Malmesbury. The inflammation excited in the whole ecclesiastical body by this attack was terrific. Even the king's brother, the Bishop of Winchester, who had been lately made papal legate, was either carried away by the general feeling of his order, or, if he did not share in that feeling, found it would be in vain for him to resist it. He summoned his brother to answer for what he had done before a synod of bishops, which met at Winchester. Stephen complied so far as to send one of his ministers to plead for him, who, when a decision upon a preliminary question had been given against the king, appealed to Rome; on which the legate dissolved the synod, on the 1st of September 1139. On the last day of the same month Matilda landed on the coast of Suffolk, and immediately after the Earl of Gloucester unfurled his standard in the west. The war spread rapidly over the whole kingdom. At length, on the 23rd of February 1141, Stephen, while besieging the castle of Lincoln, which was held by Ranulph, Earl of Chester, was attacked by the Earl of Gloucester, and being taken prisoner, was immediately, by Matilda's order, consigned in chains to the castle of Bristol.

On that day month Matilda and her brother, attended by a numerous body of barons of their party, met the legate on the open downs in the neighbourhood of Winchester, when it was solemnly agreed that Henry and the church should acknowledge her as their sovereign, on condition that he should be made her first minister. and especially that all vacant bishoprics and abbacies should be filed up on his nomination. Soon after this the Archbishop of Canterbury and all the other bishops gave in their adherence. In the beginning of April the heads of the church met on the summons of the legate at his episcopal city of Winchester; and there he addressed them in a long speech, which Malmesbury, who heard it, has preserved; and in the end the meeting unanimously agreed to confirm his treaty with Matilda. A remarkable circumstance mentioned in the account of this meeting is the appearance of certain deputies from the citizens. of London, who, it is stated, on account of the greatness of their city were considered as nobles in England, and who had been summoned to give their attendance by the legate, although the assembly was otherwise composed only of ecclesiastics. They at first stood up for Stephen, but were ultimately persuaded to concur with the rest of the meeting.

But the folly, rapacity, and insolence which Matilda now displayed in her triumph, were soon found to be insupportable by all parties. Taking advantage of the strong popular feeling of disgust, Stephen's queen Matilda, who had remained in arms for her husband in the county of Kent, made her appearance before London while the empress lay there waiting her coronation; and she barely contrived, by springing from table and mounting her horse, to effect her escape to Oxford. The legate now joined his sister-in-law and the Londoners; the em press, with the King of Scots, the Earl of Gloucester, and others of her principal adherents, besieged in the castle of Winchester, fled from that stronghold on the morning of Sunday, the 14th of September, when, being immediately pursued, many of the party were killed; most of the rest, including the Earl of Gloucester, were taken prisoners, and Matilda herself with difficulty escaped to the castle of Devizes. Negociations were now opened, the result of which was that in the beginning of November Gloucester was exchanged for Stephen. When his brother was thus again at liberty, the legate once more summoned a clerical synod at Westminster, on the 7th of December, at which he defended his abandonment of the cause of Matilda, and as usual carried his brethren along with him in his new course of politics. Stephen himself, having appeared among them, addressed them with pathetic eloquence on the wrongs and indignities he had sustained; and they ended by resolving unanimously to excommunicate all who should adhere to the "Countess of Anjou."

The war now recommenced after Stephen had recovered from an illness which confined him for some months, and Gloucester had returned from the Continent, whither he had gone to endeavour to persuade Matilda's husband to come over to her assistance, an attempt in which he met with no success, although Geoffrey consented to entrust his eldest son Henry to the earl's care. In the end of September 1142 Stephen laid siege to the castle of Oxford, in which Matilda resided; but when the garrison, from want of provisions, could hold out no longer, the empress, on the 20th of December, in a severe frost, and while the ground was covered with snow, slipped out at an early hour in the morning attended by three knights, made her way through the posts, crossed the Thames on the ice, walked to Abingdon, and thence rode to Wallingford. Other sieges, battles, and skirmishes followed, and the kingdom remained subject generally in the eastern counties to Stephen, in the western to Matilda, till the death of the Earl of Gloucester, the main support of the latter, in 1146, upon which she retired to Normandy. But her absence brought little more quiet to Stephen. The next two or three years of his reign were disturbed by a formidable rebellion of a confederacy of the barons headed by Ranulf, earl of Chester, and also by another quarrel with the clergy, whose hostility Stephen brought upon himself this time by his support of their old leader his brother Henry, when that intriguing and

ambitious prelate, whom the pope, at the instigation of Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, had deprived of his office of legate, sought to avenge himself on the primate by the aid of the royal authority. Matters proceeded so far that Theobald at last published a sentence of interdict, the first of which this country had ever been the object, against all the dominions of the English king; and Stephen, assailed by the cries of the alarmed people, found himself forced to yield. But his last and worst antagonist now appeared in the person of Matilda's son Henry, who, having by the death of his father, in September 1151, become Earl of Anjou, and having soon after added to his paternal dominions the territories of Poitou and Aquitaine by his marriage with Eleanor, the divorced wife of Louis VII. of France, landed at Wareham, on the 6th of January 1153, at the head of a force of only 3000 foot and 140 knights, which however was soon augmented by the junction of considerable numbers of his mother's friends. Yet no swords were crossed by these rival claimants of the same crown. Henry having forced his way into the town of Malmesbury, lay there, while the Avon, rendered impassable by the rains, prevented Stephen from attacking him. Stephen then retired to London, on which Henry advanced to Wallingford; but when Stephen had also marched to this point, and both parties were preparing for battle, the principal persons in the two armies, at the suggestion of the Earl of Arundel, interfered, and an agreement was made, by which the effusion of blood was prevented, and which was confirmed in a great council held at Winchester in November following. By this compact, Stephen, whose eldest son Eustace, fortunately for the peace of his country, died suddenly at Canterbury during the negociation, having been seized, it is said, with fever and phrenzy, while he sat at table, constituted Henry, whom he styled duke of Normandy, "his successor in the kingdom of England, and his heir by hereditary right." Henry in the meantime did homage and swore fealty to Stephen; Stephen's surviving son William did homage to Henry, and received from him a grant of all the lands and honours held by his father before his accession to the throne; and, lastly, the bishops and abbots, the earls and barons, and the inhabitants of all the boroughs in the kingdom, swore fealty to both the king and the duke. One of the most strenuous supporters of this arrangement was the Bishop of Winchester. Stephen survived its ratification not quite a year; he died suddenly in a convent at Dover, on the 25th of October 1154, being in the fiftieth year of his age, and having reigned nineteen years all but two months. [HENRY II.] England during the whole reign of Stephen was probably in a state of greater anarchy and misery than it had ever known since the first settlement of the Saxons, or has ever experienced in the worst of the intestine wars and confusions of which it has since been the theatre. Indeed the country appears to have got far back towards barbarism, "In this king's time," says the Saxon Chronicle, "all was dissension, and evil, and rapine. Thou mightest go a whole day's journey, and not find a man sitting in a town, nor an acre of land tilled. The poor died of hunger; and those who had been men well to do begged for bread. Never was more mischief done by heathen invaders. To till the ground was to plough the sands of the sea. This lasted the nineteen years that Stephen was king, and it grew continually worse

and worse."

Yet Stephen personally appears to have had many qualities which would have adorned a throne more fortunately circumstanced. The party zeal of the old historians has given very opposite representations of his character; but his general conduct, and the best or most impartial authorities, bear out what has been said of him by Stow :-"This was a noble man and hardy, of passing comely favour and personage: he excelled in martial policy, gentleness, and liberality towards all men, especially in the beginning; and, although he had continual war, yet did he never burthen his commons with exactions." His valour and clemency indeed, as well as the beauty of his person, are admitted on all hands, and are attested by the whole of his career, and by many remarkable incidents. He is especially spoken of in terms of the warmest eulogy by one contemporary writer-the author of the Life of St. Cuthbert, first printed by the Surtees Society, 'Reginaldi Monachi Dunelmensis Libellus de Admirandis Beati Cuthberti Virtutibus,' 8vo, Lon., 1835. See his 64th chapter.

By his queen Matilda, who died May 3, 1151, Stephen had the following sons and daughters:-1, Baldwin, who died in infancy; 2, Eustace, after his father's acquisition of the crown styled Earl of Boulogne, who was born in 1125, married in 1140 Constance, daughter of Louis VI. and sister of Louis VII. of France (afterwards the wife of Raymond III., earl of Toulouse), and, as already mentioned, died 10th of August, 1153, without issue; 3, William, who married Isabel, daughter and heiress of William, earl of Warren and Surrey (after wards the wife of Hamlyn Plantagenet, natural son of Geoffroy, earl of Anjou), became Earl of Mortagne and Boulogne after the death of his elder brother, and died without issue in October 1160; 4, Maud, who died in childhood; 5, Mary, who, after becoming a nun and abbess of the nunnery of Romsey in Hampshire, succeeded, on the death of her brother William, to his honours of Boulogne and Mortagne, and some years afterwards married Matthew, son of Theodoric of Alsace, earl of Flanders, with whom she lived ten years, and was then (in 1189) divorced by the pope and sent back to her convent, after having borne Matthew two daughters, the youngest of whom,

Maud, through her granddaughter Elizabeth, the wife of Albert I., duke of Brunswick, is among the ancestors of the present English royal family. Two natural sons are also attributed to Stephen: William, of whom nothing is known except the name; and Gervais, by a lady named Daneta, made by his father abbot of Westminster, which dignity he held till his death August 26th, 1160. Stephen's youngest brother Henry, the bishop of Winchester, who figures so conspicuously throughout the reign, died August 6th, 1171.

The chief contemporary chroniclers of the time of Stephen arethe writers of the Saxon Chronicle,' the anonymous author of the Gesta Stephani' (published in Duchesne), Richard, prior of Hexham (Hagulstadensis), Serlo, and Ailred, abbot of Rivault (all in Twysden's 'Decem Scriptores'), William of Malmesbury, and Henry of Huntingdon. Many additional facts are also mentioned by Ralph de Diceto, Brompton, Gervas of Canterbury, and other later writers.

STEPHEN, BATHORI, one of the most remarkable individuals of the 16th century, and the greatest king that Poland ever had. He was born in 1533 at Shomlo in Hungary, of an old and noble family of that country. The agitated state in which his native land continued during the 16th century-being torn by domestic factions, and troubled by the Turks and the Austrians, presented a vast field for the display of great talents, united to a daring and adventurous character, and Stephen Bathori rose after many vicissitudes to the sovereignty of Transylvania in 1571. In 1575 he was elected to the throne of Poland, vacant by the flight of Henry of Valois (Henry III. of France); and he owed this elevation to the renown of his valour and wisdom. He took possession of the crown; married, according to the conditions of his election, the Princess Anna Jaguellon, sister to the deceased king Sigismund Augustus; repressed by his vigour the party which supported his competitor Maximilian of Austria; and pacified the country by conciliatory measures.

After having regulated the internal affairs of the country, he settled its foreign relations in a satisfactory manner, particularly by ensuring the friendship of the Sultan of Turkey. He then turned his attention towards Muscovy. This power had recently obtained an extraordinary developement under the celebrated Ivan Vasilovich, who invaded a part of Livonia belonging to Poland, shortly after the accession of Stephen. His first care was to organise a military force adequate to encounter such a formidable enemy, and to secure at the same time the tranquillity of the borders. He formed the Cossaks of the Ukraine into a regular force, allowing them the choice of their own hetman or supreme commander, and conferring on them many advantages as a reward for the services which they were obliged to perform. The castles were repaired and provided with permanent garrisons; a formidable ordnance was created; and a body of life-guards and a regular infantry were organised.

Having completed his military preparations, he took the field in the summer of 1579 with a numerous army composed of national troops, German mercenaries, and five thousand Hungarians, commanded by Bekesh. Bekesh, a countryman of Bathori, had been his enemy and competitor for the throne of Transylvania, but finally, struck with admiration of the superior qualities of Bathori, he disclaimed his enmity and requested the honour of serving under his command. These sentiments were fully responded to by Bathori, who placed in his former enemy an unlimited confidence, which Bekesh justitied by his services.

On commencing the campaign, Bathori issued a proclamation to the people of Muscovy, declaring that he was making war against their tyrannical sovereign, and not against them, and promising protection to their lives and property. The Russian historians bear evidence that this promise was strictly fulfilled, and that this campaign was free from all those atrocities by which war was usually accompanied in those times. The Muscovites were defeated in several battles. Polotzk was taken after a desperate resistance; but the garrison and inhabitants were spared by the conqueror, who immediately granted to the town the liberties enjoyed by the cities of Poland, and the same privileges and security to the Greek church which he had enjoyed under the dominion of Moscow. Having restored that important place to Poland, from which it had been taken several years before, he obtained some other advantages during the same campaign, and returned in the winter to Warsaw to attend the diet, which received him with great enthusiasm, and willingly granted the necessary means for the continuation of the war. Bathori resumed it with great vigour in the summer of 1580; the town of Veliki Luki and several others were taken; and in the next year, 1581, the city of Plescow was besieged by Zamoyski, one of the greatest statesmen and warriors that Poland had produced [ZAMOYSKI], and to whom Bathori had entrusted the command of the army. The progress of the Polish arms was arrested, and the fruits of so many triumphs were destroyed, by the intrigue of the Jesuit Possevinus, who, deceived by the promises of the czar Ivan Basilovich to acknowledge the supremacy of the pope, induced Stephen Bathori to conclude peace with Muscovy on the 6th of January 1582, by which the Polish conquests were restored to the czar, with the exception of Polotzk and a few other towns and castles. Bathori employed the interval of peace in introducing different improvements, and was making preparations for another war with Muscovy, the dangers of which his policy could easily foresee. The pope, Sixtus V., deceived by the czar, who as soon as the danger was

over thought no more about submitting to Rome, granted the Polish king a considerable subsidy. The projects of Bathori against Muscovy, which are supposed to have had for their object a change in the form of the government of that country, were cut short by his death, after a short illness at Grodno, on the 12th of December 1586, at the age of fifty-four. The wars in which he was engaged did not prevent Bathori from paying due attention to the civil affairs of the country, in which the following improvements were introduced during his reign. The province of Mazovia, which had hitherto been governed by a separate code, was induced by Stephen to adopt the general laws of Poland, with some few exceptions. The statute-book of Lithuania was enlarged by the addition of many new articles. The statute of Culm, by which the towns of Prussia were governed, was revised. Many salutary laws respecting the property of the crown and the privileges of the nobles were enacted. But the most important civil act of this king was the establishment of tribunals or supreme courts of justice for Poland and Lithuania. They were composed of members elected for the session by the same voters who returned the nuncios, or members of the diet. This institution, which supplanted the administration of justice by the king, and rendered it independent of the crown, continued till the dissolution of Poland.

Stephen Bathori was very fond of learning and a great patron of learned men. In his early life he was imprisoned for two years in a fortress, by the emperor of Austria, which time he spent in the study of the classics, and particularly in that of the 'Commentaries' of Caesar, which he is said to have known by heart. He is supposed to have been originally a Protestant, but to have been induced by the representations of a Roman Catholic bishop to abjure secretly his creed and become a Roman Catholic on his accession to the crown of Poland, so that many believe that he had always conformed to the Roman Catholic church. Some learned Jesuits having gained his confidence, he became a great patron of their order, and founded for them the University of Wilna and the College of Polotzk, which he richly endowed. He was however strongly opposed to religious intolerance, and maintained evenhanded justice amongst the various denominations which prevailed in Poland. He left no issue, and resigned, on his election to the throne of Poland, the principality of Transylvania to his brother Sigismund.

STEPHEN, THE RIGHT HON. SIR JAMES, K.C.B., LL.D., is the son of James Stephen, Esq., Master of Chancery, (well known for his writings and exertions between 1815 and 1830 on the subject of colonial slavery) and was born about the year 1790. He was educated at Trinity Hall, Cambridge, where he graduated B.A. in 1812. Having chosen the legal profession, he was called to the Bar at Lincoln's-Inn. He had hardly begun practice as a Chancery barrister, when, in 1812 or 1813, he became connected officially with the public service as counsel of the Colonial Department. For eleven years he was at once counsel for this department and a Chancery barrister in extensive practice. He then retired from the Bar, and became at the same time both counsel to the Colonial Department and counsel to the Board of Trade. He held these offices jointly for ten years; after which, during the Whig government which succeeded the Reform Bill, he left the Board of Trade and became assistant-under-sccretary for the Colonies. From the assistant-under-secretaryship he was subsequently promoted to the permanent under-secretaryship; spending fourteen years in the two offices together. He was thus connected with the civil service thirty-five years in all, during the whole of which time his relations were mainly with the Colonial Department. His impressions of the state of our government offices, and of the colonial office in particular, derived from this long experience, were published, with other opinions on the same subject, in a Blue-book in 1855, when the question of the re-organisation of the civil service, by the adoption of the system of appointments, by competitive examination instead of by patronage, was first agitated. The opinion there expressed on the condition of the public service, as regards the intellectual capacity and culture of the majority of those comprising it, is by no means favourable; but the writer speaks of splendid exceptions. Of these exceptions the writer himself was certainly one. While in the Colonial Office he was one of the ablest and most efficient public servants that the state possessed; and his final retirement from the colonial under-secretaryship in 1847 was a great loss to that department. He then received the honour of knighthood. It was not only however as a public official that he had up to that time distinguished himself. A man of general thought and culture, he had all along employed his leisure in studies ranging beyond the topics that interested him as an official; and he had latterly contributed extensively to the Edinburgh Review' on subjects relating to the History of the Church and the developement of religious opinions. A collection of these articles, already widely known and appreciated in their scattered shape, was published in two volumes in 1849, under the title of Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography.' In the same year Sir James Stephen was appointed to succeed William Smyth, M.A., as Regius Prof ssor of Modern History in the University of Cambridge; which office he still holds. In 1851, he published in two volumes, 'Lectures on the History of France.' This work is now in a third edition; and there have been several editions of its predecessor. The two together have given the author a high and peculiar place in our graver con

temporary literature. Among other slighter things which Sir James has published, are one or two lectures delivered to popular institutions. One of Sir James's sons, who has followed the legal profession, is likewise known by various writings. His brother, SIR GEORGE STEPHEN, is also known as the author of 'Adventures of a Gentleman in Search of a Horse,'' Adventures of an Attorney,' 'The Juryman's Guide,' 'The Clerk,' and 'The Governess,' in C. Knight's series of 'Guides to Trade;' of a novel, entitled 'The Jesuit at Cambridge;' and of a pamphlet on 'The Niger Trade and the African Blockade,' as connected with the slave-trade, a subject in which he has always taken much interest. [See SUPPLEMENT.]

STEPHENS (French, ETIENNE or ESTIENNE; Lat., STEPHA NUS) is the name of a family of the most illustrious scholars and printers that has ever appeared. Several of the members of this family bore the same Christian name, which has produced much confusion in the accounts that have been given of them. We shall give the lives of them in a chronological succession, and distinguish those of the same name by the epithets the first, the second, &c. The earliest among them who distinguished himself is

HENRY STEPHENS I., who was born at Paris; the year of his birth is uncertain, though it appears probable that it was about 1460. He had his printing establishment at Paris, in a place which he calls "e regione scholæ decretorum," which is now called "Rue de l'École de Droit." The earliest work which is said to have been printed by him is of the year 1502, the year before that in which his son Robert was born. The works which he printed were mostly on theological, philosophical, mathematical, and medical subjects, and he published very few editions of the classical writers. On the title-page of his publications are represented two men looking at a shield which stands between them, and contains three lilies, and above them a hand holding a closed book. Above the heads of the two men is the devicePlus olei quam vini.' At the bottom of the title-page he sometimes gives only his initials, H. S., and sometimes his full name. All the works that came from his press were very correctly printed, as he always revised the proofs. A list of his publications given by Maittaire (Historia Stephanorum,' ii. 1, p. 1-9, and by Renouard, vol. i.), from which we extract the following:-In 1512 he published the Itinerarium Antonini;' in 1519 the works of Dionysius Areopagita; in 1521 an extract of the 'Arithmetica' of Boethius. In 1522 his son Robert was engaged in the printing establishment of his fatherin-law Simon de Colines, who calls himself the successor of Henry Stephens, and married his widow. From this fact we must infer that Henry Stephens died in 1521 or 1522. Some authorities, however, give 1520 as the year of his death.

FRANCIS STEPHENS I., was the eldest of the three sons of Henry Stephens. He was a partner of Simon de Colines: there are very few books known to be printed by him. The earliest is a work called Vinetum,' printed in 1537. In 1543 he published a 'Psalterium Græcum,' in 16mo, in which the titles and initials of the verses are printed in red. The last of the publications is the Andria' of Terence, in 8vo. His mark on the title-page is a tripod, which stands upon a book, and from which a vine-branch rises. He is believed to have been born in 1502, and died in 1550. A list of his publications is given by Maittaire, p. 31, and by Renouard, vol. i.

ROBERT STEPHENS I., the second son of Henry Stephens I., was born at Paris in 1503. In his youth he studied the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, and he made such progress, that at an early period of his life he gave extraordinary proofs of his learning, and was subsequently placed by his contemporaries above the greatest scholars that had ever lived. After the death of his father, he was for some time engaged in the printing-office of Simon de Colines, his father-in-law, and he appears, as early as his nineteenth year, to have had the entire management of the printing, correcting, and editing of several works, for in 1522 there appeared from the establishment of De Colines, an edition of the New Testament (Novum Testamentum, Latinè, 16mo), which, although a copy of the Vulgate, was more correctly printed than any previous edition, and also contained some corrections by Robert Stephens. The professors of the Sorbonne, alarmed at the appearance of a new edition of a book which they wished to keep from the public, especially at a time when Protestantism was making rapid progress, inveighed in their lectures against the audacious youth, and declared that the book should be burnt. But their anger produced little effect. A short time after this he married Petronella, a daughter of the celebrated scholar and printer Jodocus Badius, a woman of great talents, who understood and spoke Latin as well as her mother-tongue. As the house of Stephens was visited by scholars and eminent men of all countries, Latin became the ordinary language of conversation; and it is said that the children and even the servants acquired some facility in speaking it. After his marriage he established a separate printing-office for himself, though he remained in the same street in which his father's office was situated. The earliest publication from his own establishment was Apuleii Liber de Deo Socratis,' 8vo, 1525. Others believe that he had no separate establishment till two years later, and that Cicero's 'Partitiones Oratoriæ' and 'Persii Satyra' (1527) were the first works that were issued from it. These works were followed by a great number of Roman authors, and Latin translations from the Greek and other languages, some of which were made by himself. For many

years scarcely a month passed without some new publication, and if we recollect that in most of the works he acted as editor, and corrected the proofs with the most anxious care, it appears marvellous that so many works could be produced in so short a time; the mere list of his publications in Maittaire from 1527 till 1560, which is not by any means complete, fills twenty large octavo pages (p. 10-30). His device on the title-page of his publications was an olive tree with one or more branches broken off, while new branches are engrafted on the tree, and the motto was 'Noli altum sapere,' to which he sometimes added 'sed time.' Until the year 1532 he used the same types as his father, but in this year he used a larger and more elegant type for his Biblia Latina,' of which he had published the first edition in 1528, under the title 'Biblia utriusque Testamenti Latina, ex veteribus MSS. exemplaribus emendata,' fol. This edition was not only in appearance the finest that had ever been printed, but that he might be able to give the text with the utmost correctness, he had examined all the libraries of Paris, St. Germain, St. Denis, and had got over from Spain at his own expense a very valuable Spanish Bible.

In 1531 Stephens published his first great original work: 'Dictionarium, seu Latinæ Linguæ Thesaurus,' fol. The second (1536) and the third or last edition (1545) of this dictionary are in 2 vols. fol., and contain numerous corrections and improvements by Robert Stephens. The work has often been reprinted in other countries. In the year 1539 Stephens was appointed printer to the King of France for Latin and Hebrew works, and henceforth he always added on the title-page of his publications, to his name, Regius Typographus, or Regius Librarius, or some other similar title. Soon after this honour was conferred upon him he received the same distinction for Greek works, whence he calls himself sometimes Regius Typographus in Græcis,' Stephens appears to have thought that he ought to produce his publications in a form worthy of his new rank, and it was on his suggestion that Francis I. had new Hebrew, Greek, and Roman types made by Claude Garamond. These types, which were of exquisite beauty, were afterwards known under the name of Characteres Regii. In 1540 Stephens published a new edition of the Latin Bible with various readings. On its appearance the divines of the Sorbonne renewed their attacks, but owing to the king's liberal protection he was enabled to continue his labours unmolested. The king had such a high esteem for his learned printer that he frequently visited him in his office, and on one occasion, when he found him correcting a proof sheet, he stopped behind him and waited silently till Stephens had finished his task before he began to converse with him. The first Greek book that Stephens printed in the capacity of Regius Typographus in Græcis, belongs to the same year, 1540, and bears the title Tvauai MovóσTIXOL, sive Sententiæ singulis versibus contentæ juxta ordinem Literarum ex diversis Poetis, cum Interpret. Latina. In 1543 he published a little work called Alphabetum Græcum,' which only contained sixteen leaves, and was afterwards frequently reprinted. This is supposed to be the first book that was printed with the Characteres Regii. In the following year Stephens edited, in one folio volume, a collection of the most eminent Greek ecclesiastical historians, under the title Ecclesiastica Historia Eusebii, Socrates, Theodoriti, Theodori, Sozomeni, Evagrii, Græce.' This work was soon followed by Eusebii Præparatio Evangelica,' in Greek. These two volumes contain the earliest specimens of the device subsequently adopted by all royal printers: a thyrsus with an olive branch and a serpent wound round it, and the motto, Bariλeî r' ayalŵ кратeрT' aixunt. In 1545 he published a new edition of the Latin Bible, which he had been preparing for several years. It contains notes which are ascribed to Vatablus, and which are said to have been communicated to Stephens by the pupils of this theologian. But the authorship of the notes is a point which even at the time appears to have been the subject of much dispute. In the year following he published his first Hebrew Bible, and also a new edition of the Latin Bible in folio, with a preface which shows the immense pains that he took to give the text as correctly as possible.

These repeated editions of the Bible and the notes ascribed to Vatablus, which were in some parts supposed to savour of the reformed doctrines, to which Stephens himself was attached, involved him again in disputes with the professors of the Sorbonne. He offered publicly to acknowledge any errors which he might have committed, and to print them in an appendix to his Bible to guard the readers against them. The king several times required the professors to draw up a list of the errors or heresies, but they never did it. Their object was not to prevent the propagation of any particular errors, but to get the Bible and the commentary put into the Catalogus Librorum Prohibitorum,' and thus to stop its sale altogether. The matter was constantly deferred, and all attempts to bring it to a close were fruitless. Stephens, in the meantime, regardless of the clouds which were gathering over his head, continued as active as ever. In 1547 he published his Editio princeps of the Antiquitates Romanæ' of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, which is still highly valued as a very beautiful and correct edition. It was soon followed by the Editio princeps of Dionysius of Alexandria, 'De Situ Orbis,' with the Greek scholia of Eustathius.

In this year (1547) King Francis I. died, and Stephens lost his greatest patron and protector. His successor, Henry II., was at first favourable to Stephens, and required the divines of the Sorbonne

speedily to produce their 'censuræ,' threatening to punish them if they made any further delay. The professors, who knew the vacillating and weak character of the king, promised obedience; but nothing was done, and new charges were brought against Stephens, and new attempts were made to suspend the sale of his Bible. At last it was agreed that Stephens and the learned divines should meet at the king's palace at Fontainebleau, where several bishops and cardinals likewise appeared. Stephens was acquitted of the charge of having printed anything that impugned the Roman Catholic faith. The divines, thus disappointed, suddenly contrived to give another turn to the matter, and to get an order from the king for a temporary suspension of the sale of Stephens's Bible, and for the matter to be investigated afresh by a commission, whose duty it was to take cognisance of ca es of heresy. After eight tedious months, Stephens at last obtained from the king another order that his case should be tried by the king's privy council only. When Stephens had thus, for a time at least, secured his tranquillity, he produced, in 1548, the Editio princeps of Dion Cassius, libri xxiii., and several other works. In this year he had occasion to travel to Lyon, and in this journey he is said to have made the subdivision of the chapters of the Bible into verses, which was subsequently adopted in nearly all editions of the Scriptures King Henry II. happened to be at Lyon, and when Stephens, availing himself of the opportunity, presented himself before the king, and at the same time thanked Cardinal de Guise for the services he had done him, Stephens was informed, to his utter astonishment, that a change had taken place in the king's mind, in which he could not mistake the secret and intriguing workings of his adversaries: the sale of his Bibles was prohibited. Stephens, indignant at such proceedings, declared that he would leave his country; but the king requested him to retain his office of royal printer, and promised that the matter complained of (the censura) should be speedily produced.

Stephens was persuaded to remain; but, owing to the king's vacil. lation, he was still subjected to various disappointments and vexations. Some of his biographers state that in this year he visited Zürich and Geneva; and if this be true, he perhaps undertook this journey with a feeling that it would soon be necessary for him to seek a refuge in a foreign country. In 1550 he published his beautiful edition of the Greek Testament, with a 'nova translatio Latina.' Stephens presented this work to bishop Du Chastel, who had hitherto pretended to be his friend, but who now courted the favour of the Sorbonne, and declared that every sort of protection which he had formerly given to Stephens had arisen from his not knowing the real character of his offences. Hereupon the Sorbonne again began to annoy Stephens; and after a tedious and ludicrous trial, held by men who found fault with the various readings in the margin of Stephens's Bible, which they took to be an heretical commentary, he was forbidden to sell his impressions of the Bible, and commanded to promise that he would print no more copies of the Scriptures without the sanction of those learned divines. Stephens was now convinced that no reliance could be placed either on the king, his counsellors, or the great prelates, and that he must be prepared for the worst. He however made preparations for a step which his enemies did not expect. He finished the numerous works which were at the time going through the press, and at the end of the year 1551, or at the beginning of 1552, he escaped with his family to Geneva, where he hoped to find that liberty of conscience which he had so long wished for. Stephens is charged by some writers with having taken with him some of the materials belonging to the royal printing establishment, but his biographers have shown that there is not a shadow of ground for this charge. There is also a tradition, which does not seem at all improbable, that the professors of the Sorbonne vented their impotent rage by burning Stephens in effigy.

Stephens began his new career at Geneva with the publication of some books of the Old Testament, and of the whole of the New Testament in Latin and French. In 1552 he also published Ad Censuras Theologorum Parisiensium, quibus Biblia à Roberto Stephano, typographo regio, excusa calumniose notarunt, eiusdem Roberti Stephani responsio." This book, which was also published in French, gives us a clear insight into the nature of his disputes with the Sorbonne, as well as into his own character. The other works which he published during a period of seven years at Geneva are almost exclusively of a theological and controversial nature, consisting of works written by Calvin, Beza, and other distinguished reformers. He retained his former device, but under it he printed, 'Oliva Roberti Stephani.' The name of Geneva seldom appears an the title-page of his books. died on the 7th of September 1559, leaving behind him, it is said, a numerous offspring and considerable property. But only three of his sons are known, Robert II., Henry 11., Francis II., and a daughter of the name of Catherine.

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There is perhaps no man in modern times to whom literature and learning are more indebted than to Robert Stephens. His unbiassed contemporaries not only place him on a level with the greatest scholars, but declare that he excelled them all.

CHARLES STEPHENS appears to have been about a year younger than his brother Robert. His education was sound and classical; but he also applied himself to the physical sciences, and took his degree of Doctor of Medicine, which he practised for some time. He wrote several treatises on subjects connected with medicine, natural history, and agriculture, which however are less scientific than historical, for

he treated his subjects chiefly in relation to antiquity. His earliest productions are abridgements of works by Lazarus Baifius, such as De Re Vestiaria; De Vasculis;' and 'De Re Navali,' which were published by Robert Stephens (1535 and 1597). Lazarus Baifius (Lazare Baif) engaged Charles Stephens as tutor to his son, and in 1540 took him with his son to Germany, and afterwards to Italy, to which countries he was sent as ambassador of the King of France. In Italy Stephens became acquainted with Paulus Manutius, who in one of his letters (v. 17) speaks of him in high terms. On his return to Paris he appears to have continued the practice of medicine, but in 1551, when Robert removed to Geneva, the whole of his printing establishment, with the exception perhaps of the department for printing Hebrew, which appears to have been undertaken by Martinus Juvenis, passed into the hands of Charles Stephens, for the Editio princeps of Appiani Alexandrini Historiarum Romanarum Celtica, Libyca vel Carthaginiensis, Illyrica, Syriaca, Parthica, Mithridatica, Civilis quinque libris distincta,' which appeared at Paris in 1551, Cura ac Diligentia Caroli Stephani,' is probably the first book which he printed, though it had been prepared or commenced by Robert Stephens. It is a beautiful specimen of typography. There is a French translation of a treatise of Plutarch, called Traicté sur la Honte vicieuse,' by F. Legrand, which is by some referred to the year 1544, and is supposed to be the first book printed by Charles Stephens; but it probably belongs to the year 1554. Soon after Robert left Paris, Charles appears to have been appointed Royal Printer, for this title is mentioned on his last two publications of the year 1551. Henceforth he continued to be very active in his new sphere till the year 1561, for in these ten years there issued from his press 97 works, on a great variety of subjects, some of which he had written himself. Charles Stephens seems to have been a man who knew something of everything, but nothing very well. His character as a man has been attacked in a letter of Maumontius addressed to J. Scaliger, in which he is called a "malus" and a "male volens homo," and is charged with unkind conduct towards his nephews, the sons of Robert. But as we hear of no accusations of this kind from any other quarter, the impartiality of the writer may be doubted. Charles Stephens died in the year 1564. Some say that he was persecuted for his religious opinions, and died in prison; others state that he was imprisoned for debt in the Châtelet, and that he remained there for the last three years of his life. It may be that both causes combined to bring this misery upon him; for we know that he lost a great deal of his capital in 1557, by the publication of his 'Thesaurus Ciceronianus,' which was a very expensive undertaking, and did not sell. It is also certain that during the last three years of his life no work appeared from his press. He left one daughter of the name of Nicole, who was no less celebrated for her beauty than for her talents and accomplishments. Lists of the works which were written or printed by Charles Stephens are given by Maittaire and Renouard. All the works of C. Stephens are very beautifully printed.

HENRY STEPHENS II., the greatest of the whole family, was the son of Robert and grandson of Henry. He was born at Paris in 1528. Even as a child he showed extraordinary talents. The numerous engagements of his father did not allow him to spend much time upon the education of the boy; but he carefully watched and regulated it. Latin he learnt naturally, as it was constantly spoken in the family, but before he seriously studied it the father made him learn Greek. He received his first instruction in Greek from a schoolmaster, who while reading the Medea' of Euripides with his boys, made it the practice to assign a part to each of them; and as soon as Henry had made sufficient progress to join them, he read this play with the greatest avidity, and soon knew it all by heart. After he had spent some time at this school, he was instructed in Greek by Petrus Danesius, who was then, next to Budæus, perhaps the ablest Greek scholar of the time; and who, on account of his intimate friendship with Robert Stephens, took great interest in the progress of his pupil. At the age of about fifteen Henry also enjoyed the instruction of Jacobus Tusanus (Jacques Toussain); and subsequently, when this scholar died (1547), that of Adrianus Turnebus, who succeeded Tusanus in the professorship of Greek in the Royal College. Although he had been chiefly instructed in Greek by these men, he did not neglect Latin; for even when a boy he is said to have known by heart the first book of Horace's 'Epistles.' He also studied mathematics; and as soon as he heard something of astrology, he conceived a strong desire to become acquainted with it, and in taking lessons in it wasted much money and time, but he soon became aware of the futility of these pursuits, and gave them up altogether.

In 1516 Robert Stephens thought his son qualified to assist him in his printing establishment, and in this year Henry collated a manuscript of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, whose works Robert was preparing for publication. In the year following, when the death of Francis I. deprived Robert of his chief patron, Henry undertook a journey to Italy, the main object of which was to search the libraries and examine the manuscripts in that country. Three years were spent in visiting the various places of Italy. In several towns his exertions were rewarded with discoveries; at Florence he found in a manuscript of the Medicean library a number of Greek poems not known before, which were the Epitaphia Homericorum Heroum.' He afterwards printed them in his Florilegium Epigram. Græc.,'

1566, and also in his 'Homeri et Hesiodi Certamen,' 1573. At Naples and Venice he examined several manuscripts. At Rome he was very kindly received by Cardinal Sirlet, who communicated to him a manuscript of Athenagoras, and corrections of several passages in Xenophon, of which he subsequently made use in his edition of Xenophon, 1561. It appears that during this journey he also made a collation of a manuscript of Athenæus in the Farnesian library, the various readings of which he communicated to I. Casaubon, who used them in his edition of Athenæus (1597). At the same time he made the acquaintance of the most distinguished scholars of the age, such as Muretus, P. Manutius, C. Sigonius, P. Vettori, Cardinal Maffeo, and many others. On his return, in the year 1549, he brought with him the treasures which he had discovered and collected. This was just at the time when his father was finishing his folio edition of the Greek Testament, for which Henry wrote sixty Greek verses which were prefixed to it. About the same time he wrote notæ and argumenta for the edition of Horace, which Robert published in 1549. In 1550 Henry Stephens set out on a journey to England, where he was kindly received by Edward VI. His stay was not long, but he appears to have paid great attention to everything that came in his way, and turned it to good account. He himself mentions some interesting circumstances connected with his visit to England in his Apologia pro Herodoto,' and in the preface to his edition of the Poetæ Heroici Græci.' On his return from England he visited Flanders, Brabant, and the University of Louvain (Loewen). During his short stay in the Netherlands, he made himself master of the Spanish language. On his return to Paris towards the end of the year 1551 his father was preparing to quit France, and it is not improbable that Henry accompanied him to Geneva. This is however not quite certain, for in 1554 we find him at Paris, where he published the Editio princeps of Anacreon, in 4to, with a Latin translation and notes by himself. Whether at this time he had a printing establishment of his own, or whether he printed his book in that of his uncle Charles, is uncertain, although the latter is more probable, for in the same year he edited 'Dionysii Halicarnassei Responsio ad Cn. Pompeii Epistolam,' &c., the title-page of which expressly states that it was printed by Charles Stephens.

The first indication of a printing establishment belonging to Henry Stephens occurs towards the end of the year 1556, when 'Davidis Psalmi aliquot Latino Carmine expressi à Quatuor Illustribus Poetis, quos Quatuor Regiones, Gallia, Italia, Germania, Scotia, genuerunt,' &c. appeared, with the addition, Ex officina Henrici Stephani.' Towards the end of the year 1554 he made a second journey to Italy, and dis covered at Rome a considerable part of the historical work of Diodorus Siculus, which had not then been printed, and which he afterwards inserted in his edition of 1559. In 1555 he went from Rome to Naples in search of something which appears to have been of importance to the king of France, and to his ambassador at Venice, Odet de Selve, but it is not stated what the object of his search was. The circumstance that the king of France was then at war with the Emperor Charles V., brought H. Stephens into great danger at Naples, for he was there discovered by some Italian who had met him at Venice in the house of the French ambassador, and when Stephens was on the point of being arrested, he only saved himself by insisting upon his being an Italian, and he spoke the language so well that the Italian was at last persuaded, and let him go. On his return to Venice he ren dered an account of his mission to the ambassador, who was well pleased with the manner in which he had executed his instructions. At Venice Stephens made a collation of a manuscript of Diogenes Laertius in the library of St. Mark, which had originally belonged; o Cardinal Bessarion, and which he used for his edition of Diogenes or 1570. He also examined two manuscripts of Xenophon, one of which he made use of in his edition of 1561.

During the year 1557, when Stephens was in the full possession of printing establishment, he published seven new works, some of which had never been printed before; among them are the Editio princeps of 'Maximi Tyrii, Philosophi Platonici, Sermones, sive Disputationes XLI., Græce, nunc primum edita,' with a Latin translation; Eschylus, with notes by P. Victorius and H. Stephens; Ex Ctesia, Agathar chide, Memnone excerptæ Ilistoriæ; Appiani Iberica. Item, de Gestis Annibalis: Græce. Omnia nunc primum edita, cum H. Stephani Castigationibus;' and Cicercnianum Lexicon Græco-Latinum,' &c. Henry adopted the emblem (an olive-tree) and the device of his father, 'noli altum sapere,' to which is sometimes added, 'sed time.' Another device of his which sometimes occurs is, ut ego insererer, defracti sunt rami,' which contains an allusion to the branches which are represented as engrafted upon the olive tree. The travels of Stephens and the printing of expensive books had embarrassed his affairs, and after the year 1557 he found himself in great difficulties, but he was assisted by Ulrich Fugger, a wealthy merchant of Augs burg, who, besides a large sum which he gave or advanced to him, gave him an annuity of 150 thalers. Stephens from gratitude for this munificent liberality, henceforth called himself Typographus Huldrici Fuggeri, or Fuggerorum Typographus, which appears on most of his publications down to the year 1568. The Fuggers assisted Stephens also in other respects; they had an excellent library and some valuable manuscripts, which they allowed him to use for his editions of ancient works, as in that of 'Imperatorum