63

The French canons rayées or rifle guns are not of large caliber, nor have they so extended a range as our Parrott guns or the Whitworth cannon. Both their field and siege guns are made of brass and have six grooves, each of an inch wide, by of an inch deep. The projectile has twelve buttons, six at the shoulder, and six at the base, one of each sliding in each groove. The gun is muzzle-loading. The initial velocity of the rifled gun is 1,213 feet per second, and that of the smooth-bore 12-pounder Napoleon 1,476 feet per second, but at 656 yards the velocity of the projectile from the rifle exceeds that from the smooth-bore gun. The following table gives some interesting particulars concerning each class of the French rifled cannon.

Thus their largest siege gun is about equivalent to our Parrott 30-pounder, though considerably lighter than that gun. The ironclads of the first class have 100-pounder pivot guns, but their officers say that these cannot be fired in a rough sea, and are a failure.

The use of gun cotton instead of gunpowder for rifled ordnance is receiving considerable attention, both on the continent of Europe and in Great Britain. It has been adopted in Austria, and a commission of scientific experts in England have been investigating its comparative value for two years past, and have made partial reports. Its advantages are said to be, that it produces no smoke; that it does not foul the gun; that its explosion can, by the mechanical arrangement or plaiting of its fibres, be regulated and adjusted to any required velocity, from one foot per second to one thousand feet per second; that it occupies far less space than gunpowder, 100 lbs. occupying only four cubic feet, while the same weight of gunpowder occupies 1,981 cubic feet; that the

same weight produces more than three times the number of cubic feet of gas, and consequently an equivalent charge need be but one third of the weight. The recoil is also stated to be reduced in the proportion of 263. The manipulation of gun cotton requires more scientific skill, and more care than gunpowder, and, in inexperienced hands, it is more dangerous. If these objections can be obviated, it will come into more general use. A new substitute for gunpowder has been recently brought forward, which promises fairly. It is composed of starch treated with acids, in much the same way as for producing gun cotton.

PEASE, CALVIN, D.D., an American clergyman, born in Canaan, Litchfield county, Conn., August 12th, 1813; died at Burlington, Vt., Sept. 17th, 1863. His parents were both of Puritan stock, and his early training was judicious and eminently calculated to lay the foundation of the purity of character which marked his maturer years. In November, 1826, his family removed to Charlotte, Vt., where he was occupied upon his father's farm until 1832, when he entered Hinesburgh AcadVOL. III.-47

A

OREGON is bounded on the north by Washington Territory, from which it is separated by the Columbia river and the 46th parallel of north latitude; east by a line from the mouth of the Owyhee river, due south to the parallel of 42° north; south along said parallel to the Pacific Ocean; west by the Pacific Ocean. Its area is about 102,606 square miles, or 120,320,000 acres. The capital is Salem. Population

estimated at 55,000.

and the same year was elected to the professorship of the Greek and Latin languages in that institution. He continued in this position until December, 1855, when he was elected to succeed Dr. Worthington Smith, as president. Late in the period of his professorship he was licensed to preach the Gospel, by the Winooski Association. Though he had not made theology a systematic study, yet he was urged to this step by his friends, who knew his rare ability as a writer and speaker, and his eminent qualifications, spiritual and intellectual, for usefulness in the pulpit. At the commencement, in 1856, he was inaugurated as president of the University, and a few weeks later received the degree of Doctor of Divinity from Middlebury College, Vt. During his presidency he received various marks of appreciation and regard, among which were his appointment as a member of the Vermont Board of Education, at its organization in 1856, and his election to the presidency of the Vermont Teachers' Association the same year, both of which offices he held until he left the State, and by his activity and usefulness in these positions had a leading part in shaping the present highly successful educational policy of that State. In November, 1861, he received a call to the pastorate of the First Presbyterian church in Rochester, New York, which, in consideration of the demands of his health, and the claims of his family, he deemed it his duty to accept. He entered upon his ministry in Rochester in January, 1862, and in May was installed as pastor of the church. The period of his ministry here, though short, was eminently successful and happy, embracing the most interesting portion of his life. Within these few months he did his greatest and best work, for which all his previous life, labor and experience were but the preparation, and it was their fitting crown and reward. During the last year of his life he was elected a member of the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia. Dr. Pease left many valuable manuscripts and sermons, but published only a few. His earliest published work was a "Discourse on the Import and Value of the Popular Lecturing of the Day," delivered before the literary societies of the University of Vermont (1842). Subsequently he published in the Bibliotheca Sacra "Classical Studies" (July, 1852); "The Distinctive Idea of Preaching" (1853); "Characteristics of the Eloquence of the Pulpit," delivered as an address before the Rhetorical Society of Auburn Theological Seminary (1838); "The Idea of the New England College and its Power of Culture," delivered at his inauguration as president of the University (1856); Address before the Medical Department of the University (1856); Baccalaureate Sermons, 1856, 1857, 1859, 1860; and a number of occasional sermons.

PENNSYLVANIA. For the details of the invasion of Pennsylvania by the Confederate army, see ARMY OPERATIONS.

The entire force which Pennsylvania las contributed to the Federal armies is as follows: Under the call of April 15th, 1861, twentyfive regiments, consisting of 20,979 men, for three months. They were mustered out of service at the expiration of their time.

Under the act of Congress of July 22d, 1861, four independent regiments of 4,711 officers and men, for three years.

Under an act of the Legislature of the State of May 15th, 1861, the "reserve volunteer corps," comprising thirteen regiments of infantry, one of cavalry and one of artillery, consisting of 15,856 men, and called into the service of the United States by requisition of the Federal Government, July 22d, 1861.

Seventy-three regiments, containing 89,048 men, raised on requisitions of the President under the act of Congress of July 22d, 1861, together with organizations authorized by the War Department to be raised by individuals in the State, all for three years.

Under the call of July 7th, 1862, forty-six regiments, including eighteen nine-months regiments, the others being for three years, containing in total 40,383 men.

Recruits forwarded to the three-years reziments, 9,259 men. Enlistments in organizations of other States and in the regular army estimated at 5.000 men.

Fifteen regiments organized under the draft ordered by the President from the militia, August 4th, 1862, and containing 15,100 men, for nine months, when they were mustered out of service. Thus the total force furnished to Dec. 31st, 1862, was 200,336.

During the year 1863 the only fully organized regiment for three years put into service from the State was the 19th cavalry. To regiments in service 4,458 recruits have been forwarded All other regiments and commands have gone into service for a shorter period, and were engaged in the new military departments into which the State was divided on June 9th, 1863

In the department of Monongahela five rege ments of ninety-days militia and one company of artillery and one of cavalry were organized, containing 3,750 officers and men. Four commands, containing 1,416 officers and men, were also organized for six-months United States service.

In the department of the Susquehanna twenty-three regiments and one battalion of three-months militia, one battalion of cavalry, and four batteries, with several unattached companies, comprising 21,292 officers and met were raised. For United States six-months service commands, containing 3,068 officers an men, were organized. A force of "emergency" militia was also organized, containing 7.02 officers and men. Thus the force raised in the department of Monongahela was 5,166; and in the Susquehanna, 31,422.

Five regiments of colored troops have been recruited in the State. They compose the Sd 6th, 8th, 22d and 25th United States regulars.

Ordinary receipts.... Miscellaneous.

Total..

REVENUE

On hand November, 1862.....

The excess of expenditure for the year was made up from the balance on hand. The State debt was as follows, on Dec. 1st, 1863: Funded debt, viz. :

6 per cent. loans, ordinary..$ 400,630 00

5

41

น 66

35,709,986 45 268,200 00

$30,378,816 45

117,780 33 $36,496,596 78

Military loan, per act of May 15th, 1861...... 3,000,000 00

951,617 04 Public debt December 1st, 1863............... .$39,496,596 78 The redemption of $951,617 04 by the commissioner of the military fund was in currency, and gave rise to great complaints, particularly on the part of the foreign holders who had loaned specie and got back not more than two thirds of that value. The commissioner had, however, no option under the law.

The interest on the debt of Pennsylvania is paid in specie. But the funds are derived from the banks, which are required by law to pay into the treasury their ratable proportion of such premium on gold as is required to meet the interest. By the act of January 30th, 1863, the banks were required to exchange a sufficient amount of coin for currency, receiving in return treasury certificates pledging the State faith to return coin before March, 1864, with 2 per cent. interest. $1,968,904 coin was so obtained, and there is $41,040 interest due the banks. The State had to pay $1,013,986 premium on the coin to return it. In the years 1837-39, the State was forced to suspend the payment of her interest or pay in paper. When the difficulty passed, the State, by the act of June 12th, 1840, appropriated a sufficient sum to reimburse her loanholders for the difference in value between specie and the currency in which they had been previously paid, and then declared "that hereafter the interest falling due on Pennsylvania stocks

Real and personal estate....

Tax assessment...

mill tax....

Population....

Population taxable....

..$595,591,994

.$1,545,643 94 294,859 72

-$1,840,503 66

..2,921,046 642,468

An election was held in the State on the second Tuesday of October, for the choice of a governor, one third of the Senate and the Assembly of the Legislature, and a judge of the Supreme Court.

The Democratic Convention assembled at Harrisburg, on July 1st, and nominated George W. Woodward for governor, and Walter W. Lowrie for judge of the Supreme Court. The convention adopted a series of resolutions, in which they declare that they again renew their fidelity to the Constitution, and inasmuch as it embodies the only guarantee for public liberty and private right, the man who sneers at the "Constitution as it is," proves himself deficient in the first elements of patriotism, and any officer who violates it, is unworthy of public confidence; that among the rights provided by the Constitution, that of security in life, liberty, and property, is so plainly written down, that any one who can misunderstand it, has not fit mental capacity for any public station; that they have heard with alarm and indignation of the power claimed for the President to arrest citizens for the expression of honest opinions, and that he delegates this power to others, a large proportion of whom must, in the nature of things, be incapable of wielding it honestly or wisely; that those who attempt to suppress books and newspapers by violence, are the enemies of a free Government; that thanks are tendered to the democracy of Ohio for the vindication they have given to the Constitution; that it is the duty of the chief magistrate of the State to protect the State and the people from violence, come from whatever quarter it may; that the democracy of Pennsylvania have been true to the cause of the Union; that they will exercise the right to consider, discuss, ascertain, and urge such measures as will be most likely to keep the whole Union together under one Government; that the Administration, in departing from the resolution of Congress, has totally changed the grounds of the war, and greatly delayed a just hope of an honorable peace.

The Republican or Union Convention assembled at Pittsburg, on the 5th of August, and nominated Governor Andrew Curtin for reelection, and Daniel Agnew for judge. The resolutions adopted declare their inflexible purpose to be to maintain the Union by every necessary effort, service, and sacrifice; that the rebellion was without cause, and is stained with every crime; that there can be but two parties, one which supports, and the other which cripples the constituted authorities; that all en

been more decided or grateful than that of Mr. Petigru; but the two succeeding years brought strife and discord into the social circles of South Carolina, in consequence of her political relations with the General Government, and the prospects he might have entertained of reaching the highest honors of the State were seriously injured, if not destroyed. It was during the nullification troubles of 1830-32 that he first showed that strong attachment to the Federal Union, which became the controlling principle of his political life, and from which, in the darkest hours of the national crisis, he never deviated. The people of South Carolina were then divided into two parties, of which the larger, under the leadership of Calhoun, McDuffie, and Hayne, insisted upon the constitutional right and the necessity of applying the State veto to the protective tariff bills of Congress. Mr. Petigru took sides against this doctrine, and became one of the leaders of the "Union and State Rights Party," in company with William Drayton, Daniel E. Huger, Henry E. Dessaussure, and other distinguished lawyers, representing various sections of the State. This latter organization, while sympathizing with the nullifiers in their dislike of the protective system, and in some of their opinions on the subject of State rights, joined issue with them on the proposed remedy of nullification by the State veto. In this conflict of opinion and doctrine the two parties were more than once on the eve of civil war. But the nullifiers triumphed; the State vetoed, by ordinance, the obnoxious tariff bill; and the compromise bill of Mr. Clay soon after restored quiet to the country.

During the controversy, Mr. Petigru showed himself an earnest and resolute worker. He wrote and spoke with vigor and eloquence throughout the campaign, and in periods of great popular excitement, when the passions of men could with difficulty be restrained, he was always to be found in the midst of the excitement, and fearless of danger. In the subsequent calm which followed, and the restoration of a more pacific temper to society, he was probably one of the last to be forgiven by the triumphant party, his views being considered antagonistic to the recognition of the sovereignty of the State, and identical with measures of Federal usurpation. But though politically suspected, his talents and virtues, his ability as an advocate, and his high social position sufficed to keep him honored in the community, and he still remained without a rival at the bar. Subsequently he served in the State Legislature; held for a brief period the office of District Attorney of the United States, at a time when such a position subjected him to popular odium; and during the last few years of his life was one of the commissioners for codifying the laws and statutes of South Carolina.

The secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union in December, 1860, found him too advanced in years to take an active part in

public or political controversies; but with no less energy than he had combated the heresies of the nullifiers thirty years previous, did he declare his opinions against the dissolution of the Union; and this, so far as can now be ascertained, in opposition to every other individual of any note in the State. Amidst such unanimity of opinion as then prevailed in South Carolina, another person in the position of Mr. Petigru might have fared badly; but his political "wrong-headedness," as it was mildly called, was pardoned in one whose character was so deeply respected, and he remained in Charleston until his death, abating in no degree the opinions he had originally formed, and tolerated in the expression of those opinions. Of his unwavering devotion to the Union, even after the bombardment of Fort Sumter, a remarkable and affecting illustration is afforded in a recently published letter from him to the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, dated April 16th, 1861. "I came in," he says, "with the Constitution, which went into operation only a few weeks before I saw the light: and I have ever devoutly believed that Union is our greatest interest. Unfortunately for me, my countrymen have, in the course of the last fifty years, taken up the idea that it was a mistake, and that cotton is our greatest interest. The universality of the cotton doctrine, by which I am surrounded, had no sort of influence over my way of thinking, and I have the misfortune of witnessing, day by day, manifestations of enthusiasm in which I have not the slightest participation. You may be sure, then, of my ready and hearty concurrence in your able and lucid argument against the right of secession; for the Union would be but a precarious possession if it stood upon the mutable ground of the popular opinion of expediency from day to day. In fact, if it had been authoritatively proclaimed at the time of its adoption that it was only binding as long as it received the voluntary adhesion of the several States, it would never have been adopted at all; for the people would have justly said that it was no improvement on the Confederacy. For the Confederacy would have answered all its purposes if it could have been sure of the voluntary adherence of the several States to the duties that were submitted to their free arbitrament. There is no doubt the men of 1787 did undertake a new thing in attempting to divide the civil power between the Nation and the State, so as to leave each of them sovereign within their several spheres. But our secessionists pretend that they did not mean it.

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"What is to be the end of all this seems to me inscrutable. But even if the Gulf States and South Carolina do flake off forever, I will never cease to witness with joy whatever increases the prosperity and honor of the United States."

There is no evidence that during the last two years of his life he modified in any degree the views herein expressed.