posed plan than she would at first have thought possible. My classical readers will long ago have recognised my having taken for my model, a practice which prevailed among some of the rhetoricians of antiquity, of having certain common places, or loci, to which they might resort for matter, treating all subjects. I am well aware there is no teaching wisdom by rules; yet I must also declare, that much experience has convinced me, that by having before our eyes, whilst we are perusing any author, the several heads or considerations in relation to which the contents of his pages may probably be viewed with most advantage, we shall be enabled to form a far better judgment of the merits of his work, as well as to derive far more benefit from it than by reading it in the common method. We shall especially be often led to discover commissions and deficiencies which we should not otherwise have perceived, and many reflections will occur to our minds which might otherwise have escaped us. In short, whatever we peruse will be read with a larger comprehension, with a more discriminating judgment, and above all, with a more accurate observance of its manifold bearings and relations. Whatever apologies may justly be due for the very imperfect manner in which I have executed my intention, none, I trust, will be required for the intention itself. My object has been to enable my female friends to read to greater advantage than they commonly do at present.-You, Sir, Iam persuaded, need not to be reminded, that the cultivation of the understanding, and the storing of the mind with useful knowledge and sound principles, constitute a very important branch of Christian duty. And I cannot but hope that if increasing attention were paid to its discharge, much of that time might be employed not only more profitably, but also more agreeably, which is now wasted in trifling occupations, or frivolous conversation, and in visits either altogether needless, or else often prolonged to an excessive length, merely for want of something to do. It cannot, I trust, be necessary for me to endeavour to enforce positions at once so important and so manifest. Let any one consider how large and important a share in the division of human duties, belongs to the female sex. This, is a subject on which my mind loves to dilate. It is obvious that the entire education of their own sex, and the instilling into the minds of ours the earliest principles of conduct,and (pardon the expression) the most influential also, is commonly devolved on the ladies. Their's it is to render religious and moral truths more engaging and impressive, by the superior delicacy and tenderness with which they are laid down and enforced.-Their's, to apply precepts and develope characters, with more than manly accuracy of discernment, and felicity of illustration.—Their's, in almost every state of life, to alleviate the pains of sickness, to sooth the languor of convalescence, to infuse into the cup of social intercourse its ehoicest sweets and most exquisite, relish-Their's, to cheer the fatigues and calm the turmoil of an over busy, and to enliven the monotonous uniformity of a too vacant solitary life. Surely any thing which has for its object the better enabling of them to fulfil all these endearing offices well deserves attention. will therefore only add, that the duty which I have been now recommending often finds itself abundantly rewarded in this life, in the way most congenial and most gratifying to the female heart, by the cheerful animation of a domestic and social circle, by the increased esteem, admiration, and affection of the husband, the parent, or the child;-of those, whose approbation and love are dearest to every virtuous woman, and come the closest to her heart. I am, EUBULUS. I To the Editor of the Christian Observer. AMONG many other writers, who, as appears to me, without sufficient consideration, have given their countenance to the system of General Expediency, is found the name of Mr. Malthus. This system has at first sight, a very captivating aspect, and seems to be calculated to make a large accession of happiness to society. For what can more directly and powerfully contribute to that end, than for each individual to propose to himself the happiness of the whole as the supreme motive of his actions? To one, however, who carries forward his view to consequences, at no considerable distance, the general adoption of this principle will appear in quite a different light, as requiring rather to be repressed than encouraged. The doctrine of general expediency constitutes, in reality, every man his own supreme law-giver. For when it is asked, who is to be the judge of the general expediency proposed as the rule of human action: it is answered, every man for himself. There can be little doubt, therefore, that this system, however broad at the basis, when it is brought to its due height, will, like the Egyptian pyrainids, terminate in a point; and that the general good will only be another name for our own. And when the ultimate appeal is to a man's own conscience, it may readily be inferred, that he has sufficient interest in that court to gain a judicial sentence in his favour. When such a plea for the exercise of private interest is obtained, and when it is rendered sacred by the conceit of duty, what excesses may not deluge the world! What contempt of justice, what perpetration of iniquity may not be expected! arrested by the operation of ceranarchy, were not its fatal progress tain checks derived from different sources. These checks are of two kinds, the preventive and the positive. In truth, the evil of selfish affections is of so prolific a nature, that without any adventitious encouragement, it threatens destruction to every bond of society; and would doubtless terminate in a constant reciprocation of injuries, and absolute Of the positive kind are civil penalties and retaliation. Retaliation is a powerful check upon the independent and licentious spirit of the system of general expediency. If one man, under the authority of his own view of public good, feels himself justified in any invasion upon the person or proper ty of his neighbour, his neighbour feels himself equally justified, not only in resisting the aggression, but in being, when the opportunity or temptation presents itself, himself the aggressor. The liberty of the system is equal to all, and no one has more right to use it than another. Hence proceed those fatal discords and that treachery, which render human life a constant scene of distress, danger, and apprehension; and powerfully enforce the necessity of adopting in common some external laws, which shall control the private decisions even of general expediency, and give to each individual, if not some degree of positive security, some knowledge of the sources of his danger. The laws of human society have likewise provided the sanction of civil penalties for the purpose of restraining a disposition, which, in its indulgence, presses with so much force against the limits of all social institutions. These inculcate upon the self constituted judge of his own duty, with a practical and irresistible effect, the salutary admo nition, that there is a judge of his duty, at least as a member of society, greater than himself: and that if he persists in disregarding that superior he must suffer for his temerity. If he stands upon his privilege, as a member of the society incorporated for the promotion of general expediency, and makes no hesitation to violate the laws of his country; imprisonment, confiscation, corporal inflictions, and death, will remind him and his associates, that they are subjects not sovereigns, and that they cannot with impunity erect one independent and superior government within the bosom of another, and, under pretence of obedience to the first, pour contempt upon the last. But of all the checks upon that principle which reduces the whole circle of duty to private opinion, and tolerates or rather commands whatever that private opinion may suggest, none can be regarded with a greater mixture of the opposite sentiments of hope and despair than the preventive one, or moral restraint. None with more despair; because by the experience of every age of human existence, it has been abundantly proved, that nothing is more rare than the imposing of restraint upon natural inclination. Indeed the adoption of the very principle under consideration is one proof of the impatience of moral restraint among men. For not to include those in the censure, whose speculations have not been assisted by their inclinations, what is the character of the greater part of those writers ancient and modern, who have elevated general utility to the throne, from which they have expelled the divine law? But as on the one hand, and for the reasons alleged, there is no principle less to be depended upon than moral restraint; so, on the other, if it could be put in practice, there is none which would justify more sanguine expectations. For if men would reflect, that it is impossible that beings so ignorant, so short-sighted, so much. exposed to various errors, as the human race evidently are, should be able to discover what is the greatest possible happiness of the intellectual system, or even of the human, aud that they should be the supreme arbiters of their own duty, and that sometimes in opposition to the declared and known will of God; they would perceive the necessity of an absolute submission to that will in every possible case, and even in opposition to what their own views of expediency would suggest. The consequence of this would be, not an entire abolition of the obnoxious system, but such a limitation of it as would change its nature, and convert it even into an act of obedience to the divine law. For there are evidently cases, in which we are generally required to do good; but the means of doing it most effectually must be determined by ourselves. If the will of God should, through the exercise of moral restraint upon the pride, self-sufficiency, and independence of the corrupt mind of man, regain the supremacy, the happiest effects would instantly result; and he who first returned to his allegiance to God, would afterwards, and as a part of that allegiance, become a faithful and conscientious subject of human government; a subject, much more to be depended upon, and far more useful, than those who pretend to make the general good their su preme object and supreme law. But should this check fail in its operation, whatever may be the cause of its failure; should the complicated injuries arising from alternate aggression and retaliation, or the iron force of civil penalties be insufficient to restrain the inundation of iniquity which would be let in upon society, were every man to consider himself as his own lord; gigantic, inevitable anarchy stalks in the rear, and after having afflicted the rebellions race with every species of misery, consigns them to final and irretrieveable destruction. A. Z. HYMN. For we have not an high priest which cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities: but was in all points tempted like as we are, yet without sin. Heb. iv. 15. When gathering clouds around Lview, And days are dark and friends are few, On him I lean, who not in vain, Experienc'd every human pain: He feels my grief, allays my fears, And counts and treasures up my tears*. *I'salms, vj. 8. If aught should tempt my soul to stray At once betray'd, denied, or fled, FRAGMENTS. INFIDELITY AND CREDULITY. THE following extract from Thiebault's original Anecdotes of Frederic II. of Prussia, affords a strong proof of what the Christian Observer has more than once affirmed respecting the perfect consistency of infidelity with superstitious terrors. (See vol. for 1805, p. 618, Note.) "On the same canvas with this philosophical King, Frederic, we view a Le Metherie, the apostle of universal materialism, making the sign of the cross if it does but thunder. Maupertuis, who does not believe in God, says his pravers every evening on his knees. D'Argens, a still firmer infidel, shudders if he Romans, chap. vii. "The Lord will strengthen him on the bed of languishing; thou wilt make all his bed in his sickness." Psalm xli 3. CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 50. counts the number thirteen around a table. The Princess Amelia, the favourite sister of Frederic, almost as much a philosopher, and endowed with almost as strong an intellect as himself, is the dupe of fortune tellers. And full half the court are believers in the story of the woman all in white, who appeared in one of the apartments of the palace, holding in her hand a large broom, with which she swept the apartment, when any member of the royal family was to die in the course of the year.” Vol. 1. p. 388. EXTRACT FROM MR. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE SLAVE TRADE, APRIL 2, 1792. "But now, Sir, I come to Africa. That is the ground on which I rest, and here it is, that I say my Right Honourable Friends do not carry their principles to their full extent. -Why ought the Slave Trade to be abolished? BECAUSE IT IS INCURABLE INJUSTICE. How much stronger then is the argument for immediate, than gradual abolition! By allowing it to continue even for one hour, do not my Right Honourable Friends weaken-do not they desert, their own argument of its injustice? If on the ground of injustice it ought to be abolished at last, why ought it not now? Why is injustice to be suffered to remain for a single hour? From what I hear without doors, it is evident that there is a general conviction entertained of its being far from just, and from that very conviction of its injustice, some men have been led, I fear, to the supposition, that the Slave Trade never could have been permitted to begin, but from some strong and irresistible necessity; a necessity, however, which if it was fancied to exist at first, I have shewn cannot be thought by any man whatever to exist now. This plea of necessity, thus presumed, and presumed, as I suspect, from the circumstance of injustice itself, has caused a sort of acquies Mr. DUNDAS, now Lord Melville, and Mr. ADDINGTON, now Lord Sidmouth. Icence in the continuance of this evil. Men have been led to place it among the rank of those necessary evils, which are supposed to be the lot of human creatures, and to be permitted to fall upon some countries or individuals, rather than upon others, by that Being, whose ways are inscrutable to us, and whose dispensations, it is conceived, we ought not to look into. The origin of evil is indeed a subject beyond the reach of human understandings; and the permission of it by the Supreme Being, is a subject into which it belongs not to us to inquire. But where the evil in question is a moral evil which a man can scrutinize, and where that moral evil has its origin with our selves, let us not imagine that we can clear our consciences by this general, not to say irreligious and impious way of laying aside the question. If we reflect at all on this subject, we must see that every necessary evil supposes that some other and greater evil would be incurred were it removed: I therefore desire to ask, what can be that greater evil, which can be stated to overbalance the one in question?—I know of no evil that ever has existed, nor can imagine any evil to exist, worse than the tearing of EIGHTY THOUSAND PERSONS annually from their native land, by a combination of the most civilized nations, in the most enlightened quarter of the globe; but more especially by that nation, which calls herself the most free and the most happy of them all." REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. DAUBENY'S DISCOURSES, &c. (Continued from page 40.) AFTER SO much blame, neither founded, we trust, in misconception of the author, nor conducted in an improper temper, as we have had occasion to bestow on particular parts of these sermons, we are sincerely glad to return to the far more agreeable duty of dispensing praise and commendation. Sermon VI. on providence, is able and useful, and the concluding reflections, such as we should be glad to copy, were it not necessary for us to be sparing of our extracts. A general reflec tion, however, suggested by the to pic of this discourse, will here find its proper place. It has often struck us with some surprise, that the near affinity of the doctrines of predestination and divine providence should not have had the effect with such of the opposers of the former doctrine as embrace and defend the latter, of, at least, softening the asperity of censure, and inducing an apprehension that the maintenance of the obnoxious tenet, however erroneous, does not necessarily imply either weakness or impiety. So nearly allied are the two subjects in the arguments which (independent of direct scriptural authority) are employed to support them, and in the difficulties which they involve, that the defender of the one will find he has much the same objections to obviate with him who defends the other; and that in so doing, he is compelled to take, in a very great degree, the same ground which, when occupied by an adversary, he is apt to consider as untenable. In the sermon before us, Mr. Daubeny speaks of the divine power (p. 147.) as "overruling the ways of men on some occasions, and making them minister, even in spite of themselves, to the execution of God's designs." Now if any one were to infer from this particular phrase, that Mr. Daubeny, in opposition to all that he has so frequently and so explicitly avowed upon other occasions, is an enemy to human |