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RECENT PUBLICATIONS.

CLASSICS.

Part I. of a new and beautiful edition, from the Glasgow University Press, of Damm's Greek Lexicon to Homer and Pindar,to be completed in eight monthly parts. 4to. 10s. 6d. and 8vo. 7s. 6d.

ELECTRICITY.

Description of an Electrical Tele graph, and of some other Electrical Apparatus: with eight Plates, engraved by Lowry. By Francis Ronalds, 8vo. 6s. boards.

FINE ARTS.

The Italian School of Design (containing 84 Plates); being a Series of Fac-similes of Original Drawings, by the most eminent Painters and Sculptors of Italy; with Biographical Notices of the Artists, and Observations on their Works. By Wm. Young Ottley, Esq. Complete in one volume, super royal folio, 121. 12s.; in colombier folio, 181. 18s., and proofs, 24 guineas.

MISCELLANEOUS.

A New Edition of the Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth. Among which are interspersed other Solemnities, Public Entertainments, and remarkable Events, during the Reign of that illustrious Princess. Collected from Original Manuscrips, scarce Pamphlets, Corporation Records, Parochial Registers, &c. &c. Illustrated with Historical Notes. By John Nichols, F.S.A. Lond. Edinb. and Perth, 3 vols. 4to. 91. 9s. The Work is embellished with 41 Plates; and the Impression limited to 250 Copies.-The Progresses of King James are in the Press.

The Berwick New and Improved General Gazette, or Compendious Geographical Dictionary; containing a Description of the various Countries, Kingdoms, States, Cities, Towns, &c. &c. of the known World, brought down to the present time, accompanied with 26 elegant Maps, from the latest authorities, in 3 handsome volumes, 8vo. 21. 2s., or in 16 Parts, 2s. 6d. each.

The Youthful Travellers; or, Letters chiefly descriptive of scenes visited by some young people during a Summer Excursion. Designed as examples of the epistolary style for Children, 18mo. half-bound, with Plates, 2s. 6d.

A New Edition of Nelson's History and Antiquities of Islington, in 4to. and Svo. with Additional Matter, and 23 Copper Plate engravings.

Flora Domestica, or the Portable Flower-garden; with Directions for the Treatment of Plants in Pots, and Illustrations from the Works of the Poets. In 1 vol. 8vo. 12s.

Journal of a Tour in France, in the Years 1816 and 1817. By Frances Jane Carey, 1 vol. 8vo. 14s.

"The New Mercantile Assistant, and General Cheque Book," containing Nine copious and distinct Sets of Tables -The first Series (which contains more than One Hundred Tables) are Calcu lations by Reduction, on a novel and simple principle: exhibiting, at one view, what any commodity, purchased in the aggregate, i. e. by the Ton or Cwt. costs per single lb. stone, or qr. any number of lbs. or stones, or qrs.; or vice versa. Second Series are copious Interest Tables, 3, 4, 5 per Cent. The seven other Tables relate to the Public Funds-Life Annuities-Calculation of Profits-Wine and SpiritsHay and Corn, &c. &c. all peculiarly simple, and adapted to the purposes of Commerce-and as a cheque in the Counting-house. By Mr. Wright, Accountant, 12mo.

Historical Notices of Two Characters in Peveril of the Peak. Post 8vo. POETRY.

Specimens of British Poetry, chiefly selected from Authors of high Celebrity, and interspersed with Original Writings. By Elizabeth Scott, Svo. 12s.

THEOLOGY.

Sermons, chiefly designed for the Use of Families, by John Fawcett, A.M. Rector of Scaleby, and Perpetual Curate of St. Cuthbert's, Carlisle, third Edition, 2 vols. 12mo. boards, 129.

Vol. V. of the Preacher; or, Sketches of Original Sermons, for the Use of Lay Preachers and Young Ministers: to which is prefixed a Familiar Essay on the Composition of a Sermon, 12mo. 4s.

The Pulpit; Parts I. II. and III. containing Reports of upwards of Thirty Sermons, by the most eminent and Popular Divines of the day. Reviews of Religious Literature, and a great variety of interesting miscellaneous matter. The Weekly Numbers contain Thirty-two columns, 8vo. closely printed, price 2d. each, and Monthly Parts 8d.

TOPOGRAPHY,

A Concise description of the English Lakes and the Mountains in their Vicinity; with Remarks on the Mineralogy and Geology of the district. By Jonathan Otley, 12mo. 4s. 6d.

A Series of Picturesque Views of Edinburgh, engraved in the best line manner. By W. H. Lizars. With a Succinct Historical Account of Edinburgh. In royal 4to. Part I. To be completed in 17 Monthly Parts, each containing three Plates.

POLITICAL DIGEST.

THE proceedings in both Houses of Parliament since our last number went to press are worthy of notice, rather for the free complexion of the debates than for any positive legislative enactments which those debates have led to. In the House of Lords, the most important subject that has been discussed was that of placing the Catholics of England upon an equality with those of Ireland. Lord King observed, that "the Church Establishment of Ireland insulted the people by its ascendency, and impoverished them by its extortion." In Ireland, his Lordship declared, that there was a proud and haughty aristocracy of religion, who would govern, not by the principles of peace, but by the sword; it was a profanation to give it the name of a church, it would profane that sacred and venerable name, by applying it to a pursuit, which in Ireland was a mere trade, a trade in which the idlest apprentice made the greatest fortune, and by the most scandalous and oppressive means. The venerable Bishop of Norwich, in an enlightened speech, supported the principle of concession to the Catholics, and the bill was further defended by the Marquis of Lansdown, by Lord Holland and others, and opposed by the Lord Chancellor, by Lord Redesdale, and by the Bishop of St. David's. Lord Liverpool did not oppose the bill, but voted for its postponement, aud finally the house divided 73 to 80, the bill being lost by the small majority of 7. Lord Grosvenor and other noblemen animadverted in very strong language upon the indecision of character, and the procrastination and delay in the conduct of the Lord Chancellor, who defended his proceedings at some length, but the arrears of Appeal Causes before the House of Lords from Scotland have accumulated to such an alarming degree, that the ministers have passed a bill, forming a Committee of Lords to decide such appeals. This Committee is to sit five days in the week, the attendance of the Lords is to be compulsory, under a penalty of 50%, and the Crown is to nominate a chairman or president of the Committee, other than the Lord Chancellor, such president, if a commoner, to have no vote, but solely to possess the privilege of giving his opinion.

The House of Lords have, by an una-
Eur. Mag July, 1823.

nimous vote, continued the Irish pen. sion of the late Lord St. Vincent to his nephew and successor.

In the House of Commons, the subjects discussed have been by far more numerous and important. Lord Nugent brought before the House a bill for the relief of the Catholics of England. He proposed first, granting the Elective Franchise to Catholics. Second, allowing them to hold Commissions of the Peace; and thirdly, to repeal the test act in toto. Mr. Peel opposed these two last propositions, and they were finally abandoned by Lord Nugent, a bill being passed for granting the Elective Franchise to all Catholics in England.

The government having proposed the renewal of the Irish Insurrection Act, Sir Henry Parnell said, that the world would be astonished whenever it was made acquainted with the real state of Ireland, and the real administration of government in that country for the last thirty years. At present, the dispatches of the Lord Lieutenant evinced, that, out of the thirty-two counties there were twenty-two in what was called a state of disturbance, and which meant a state more demoralized than that of many barbarous hordes of savages. From 1796 to 1822, the Insurrection Act had been the only remedy applied to this evil, and the Insurrection Act had been in force for sixteen years; in that period, and from 1792 to 1822, the oppressive act, called the Arms Act, had been in force no less than twentysix years. In forty-six years; twenty counties in Ireland had doubled their population, and the people born within that period had witnessed nothing but oppression, and had been bred to resist that oppression by violence, and to expect from government only the vindictive measures of Insurrection Acts and Arms bills, so that at this moment, the whole population of those counties have the most rooted abhorrence of their government. He concluded by moving for a Committee of twenty-one members to inquire into the extent and objects of the late disturbancein Ireland. Mr.Goulburn objected to the Committee because it would hold out hopes to Ireland which it would be impossible to gratify at this late period of the Session, and the proposal of a Committee was therefore lost, the division being 88 to 39. On the succeeding night

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to this debate Mr. Hume moved for the abolition of the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, on the ground that such office was a mere focus of party passions and intrigues; the business of government being entirely performed by the Irish Secretary. He was supported by Mr. Ricardo, Sir Henry Parnell, Mr. Abercromby, and other members of high character, and opposed by Sir John Newport and by the government.

Mr. Brougham presented a petition to the House from the Catholics of Ireland, complaining of the unequal administration of the laws in that country. Mr. Brougham instanced many cases of the perversion of the laws, which proved a system of perverting justice to the purposes of party, and referred to an observation of Lord Redesdale," that there existed in that ill-fated country (Ireland) two sorts of law, one for the rich and another for the poor." Mr. Goulburn opposed the motion, on the grounds that the reception of the petition would be tantamount to the government's confessing the charges which the petitioners brought against the executive government in Ireland.

The House of Commons passed a bill, establishing the equitable principle of choosing juries in Scotland by ballot, but we regret to say, that the bill was lost in the House of Lords.

On the 1st of July Mr. Hume presented a petition to the House, signed by 2,047 persons, amongst whom 98 were ministers; the petitioners testified their thorough belief in Christianity, but reprobated the supporting of Christianity by persecution, or by penal laws of any sort, but argued upon the propriety of leaving all religious subjects open to the most free discussion. This petition was so ably drawn up, its language so elegant, and its reasoning so conclusive, that it excited an extraordinary sensation in the House. Mr. Hume supported the petition with much ability. He argued that the whole principle and spirit of Christianity were directly hostile to that system of persecution and of legal penalties for freedom of discussion to which the followers of Christianity always had resorted, and were still so willing to resort, with a view of maintaining what they conceived to be religious truth. He referred to Tillotson, Taylor, Lowth, Warburton, Lardner, Chillingworth, Watson, Locke, Newton, and other great divines and philosophers, who had given their decided reprobation of

limiting the range of religious discussion, and of persecution on account of impugning the truth of Christianity. Mr. Ricardo followed on the same side, and gave a speech of great power of reasoning, in which he displayed great depth of knowledge, with the most luminous views of social and political justice. Mr. Peel made a short speech in opposition to the receiving of the petition, and Mr. Wilberforce argued for supporting revelation by the arm of the civil power; and at length Mr. Hume withdrew his resolutions, declining to press the House to a division, because the Session was too far advanced to allow of his bringing in any bill upon the subject.

Dr. Phillimore brought in a bill, relieving Catholics from the neces sity of solemnizing their marriages by Protestant clergy.

A new bill was brought into the House, for regulating the administration of justice in New South Wales. One of its principal features was the entrusting of the governor of the province with the arbitrary power of selecting jurymen. Sir James Mackintosh opposed this clause with great zeal. He stated the colony to be in a most flourishing condition, that there were 7,556 persons who had either received the pardon of government, or who had expiated their offences by undergoing the sentence of the law. These 7,556 persons had 5,859 children, and possessed 29,000 acres of cultivated, and 212,000 acres of uncultivated land, with 3,600 houses, and a capital in trade of 150,000l. sterling. Sir James reprobated the exposing even these people, much more the numerous free settlers of the colony, to such an arbitrary law, as that of the governor's packing juries at his individual discretion; and the Secretary of State consented to modify the bill, applying its principles only to those in the colony, who were still under the sentence of the law.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 3rd of July, entered upon the financial state of the country. He stated that he had at the beginning of the Session announced that he should require 16,000,0007., but that his estimate had been exceeded by about 300,0001., and other unexpected expenses would increase the sum to 16,970,0001. There had been an increase in the receipt of Customs during the year of 139,0007, but a decrease in the Excise of 896,000Z, part of which had been occasioned by the repeal of Excise Duties. The revenue of the year fell short of that of

last year by 153,000, but that even with this deficit, the revenue of the present year would exceed the expenditure by 409,0001. The total of taxes reduced within the last two years was 6,935,000.

His Majesty prorogued the House by Commission on the 19th (July). The speech delivered by the Commissioners is not of a nature to invite much of comment, or of animadversion. The King expresses his confidence that the provisions made during the session for the internal government of Ireland, will tend to remove some of the evils that have so long afflicted that part of the kingdom. The only provisions that have been made for this object are the oft repeated Insurrection Act, and the Tithe commutation Bill: we trust that this last measure may tend to remove some of the evils alluded to in the speech: but, with respect to the other measure, the Insurrection Act, it has been so often tried with no other effect than that of temporarily suppressing, but really increasing the spirit which it is meant to subdue: that we must confess that we apprehend much of severity and suffering from its being carried into effect, but no permanent good whatever.

Considering the active spirit of intelligence which now pervades almost every class of the community, we must confess we are of opinion, that the last Session of Parliament has hardly been in tone with the liberality of the age, nor has it effected any change in any branch of our polity, commensurate with the knowledge now possessed by the country at large, relative to the principles of national institutions in general, or relative to the condition of the institutions of this country in particular. Our criminal code has been acknowledged by administration to be faulty in the extreme, and even a pledge had been given that during the late session a committee should have been granted to inquire into the subject; and yet the session has passed without any such result. With respect to our commercial policy, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the President of the Board of Trade, with several other members of the cabinet, are decidedly disciples of the school of the economists; and yet nothing more has been even attempted, than a few partial and insignificant measures to liberate insulated branches of trade from restrictions. With respect to Ireland, the session commenced with great expectations of government's pursuing some decided measures in favour of

that unhappy country; but, as we have before observed, the recurrence to the never failing resort of the Insurrection Act has, if we except the Tithe commutation Bill, been the only, attention which ministers have paid to Ireland, although that island is now in a more disorganized state than she has been in since the rebellion of 1798. Our Court of Chancery is known to be in a state which amounts to an absolute denial of justice, except to the affluent, and even to the affluent is justice denied except at a ruinous expense, and with a procrastination equally disastrous; and yet the attempt, which has been made to institute an inquiry into that court, has been resisted on the part of government; and a similar resistance has been made to an attempt to establish a fair and equitable mode of empannelling juries. If, from our domestic affairs, we cast our view to foreign politics, we must observe that the Sovereigns of Europe have com menced a war which we have denoun ced as iniquitous in its principle, impolitic in its object, and impracticable in its execution: we have with great zeal and sincerity exerted ourselves to the utmost to prevent this war, and yet it has been commenced and persevered in, in spite of all our efforts; a lamentable proof of our possessing but little weight even in those courts, the sovereigns of which owe their power to the profuse sacrifice of British blood and British treasure. The last Parliament may, therefore, be said to have effected nothing of positive good for the country; but we must, not forget that the sound moral principles, the luminous views of honourable foreign policy, and the enlarged sentiments of freedom that have distinguished many of the speeches of the members, must have wrought a powerful, though not in all instances. an immediately perceptible effect, even upon the most degenerate of our countrymen. It is the diffusion of such speeches throughout the kingdom, that gradually improves the moral sense of the country, and enables the people to reform their old institutions, and to establish the utmost possible degree of freedom, without the danger of anarchy and licenciousness. It is in this point of view that the speeches of a Ricardo, of a Mackintosh, or of a Russell, are invaluable to their country; and he who estimates their speeches merely by their effect upon motions before the House, can be but a superficial thinker, and very little acquainted with the nature of society.

FOREIGN.

THE attention of Europe is so earnestly directed to the affairs of Spain, that all other objects of foreign policy appear to sink into insignificance. In our number for the last month, we noticed the occupation of the Spanish capital by the Duke d'Angouleme, and we expressed our anxiety to learn the moral effect which this occupation of the capital by the enemy would have upon the sentiments and passions of the Spanish people. If this event have not, like the capture of Madrid by Napoleon in 1808, roused the people to the enthusiasm of patriotic resistance, it is a consolation to reflect that it has not depressed their spirits by fear, or induced them even to think of bowing the neck to a despotism imposed by a foreign force. The Regency of Spanish nobles, established in Madrid by the Duke d'Angouleme, have formally received Ambassadors from the courts of Paris, Berlin, and St. Petersburgh; they have been indefatigable in appealing to the early prejudices and ignorant predilections of the people, they have used the powerful engines of the press and of the priesthood to aid their purpose, and, finally, they have been enabled to buy over nobles and generals with French gold; and yet, although supported by the victorious army of the Duke d'Angouleme, that Regency has roused no popular feeling in their favour. We do not hear of the army of the Faith being increased in numbers, we hear of no royal regiments raised to fight the battles of Ferdinand, we do not hear of the defection of any of the patriotic corps, nor are we told of any districts or cities evincing any public feeling in favour of the "absolute King." On the other hand we regret to say, that the Constitutional government appear to have shewn but little energy in their administration of affairs, although, considering the justice of their principles, and the power of intellect they have evinced in supporting those principles, it is but fair to argue that their want of practical energy must have arisen from their destitution of pecuniary supplies, and from the distressing circumstances in which they have been placed. The French have been allowed to traverse, unmolested, from Madrid to Cadiz, passing without opposition through mountainous tracks, where a small force could have checked their progress, if not have compelled their surrender. They

have occupied Seville, overrun all Andalusia, and have now blockaded Cadiz by sea and land. Such is the lamentable summary of the news of the last month, and, having recorded it, it only remains for us to descant upon the causes of these disasters, and to speculate upon their probable result. The rapid advance of the French from Madrid in the direction of Cadiz, and their audacity in attempting with so small a force this operation, which Napoleon had found it difficult to execute with five times the Duke d'Angouleme's strength, rendered it evident that there must have been a secret understanding between the Duke d'Angouleme and the Spanish officers. Morillo had the command of the patriotic forces in Gallicia, a province of the utmost consequence from the mountainous face of the country, from its position upon the flanks of the Dake d'Angouleme's army, and from its lying in the direction traversed by the French convoys and detachments. This officer had commanded the Royalist army in Columbia, where he had carried on the war against the patriots with unrelenting cruelty, and almost upon the principles of extermination. In this command he had shewn himself as impervious to the sacred flame of liberty, as he was to all feelings of justice and mercy. On his return to old Spain, he again distinguished himself by his degenerate adherence to the corruption and slavish principles of the old regime; and, in one instance, was nearly falling a sacrifice to popular indiguation. But he swore fealty to the new Constitution, and, accepting the military command of Gallicia, took the usual oaths of office. In this command, however, he lost many fine opportunities of cutting off French detachments, and of intercepting supplies; and, on one occasion, of capturing a large sum of money that was on its way to Seville. These facts were known to the Constitutional government, and Quiroga, and others of Morillo's officers, repeatedly pointed out his suspicious conduct; and yet he was continued in his command, until at length he openly espoused the side of the invaders of his country. Surely the Bourbon government professing to found all their claims to sovereignty, and to guide all their conduct, upon the sanction of religion, ought not to achieve success by bribing men to betray their country and to violate their oaths. But

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