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Church, determined to make a special effort to stem the tide of immorality that prevails at Newcastle Races, and to plead with men to seek happiness at the fountain of living water. On the Sabbath previous to the races a sermon was preached on the words, 'Go out quickly to the streets and lanes of the city,' in which it was insisted, that it is the duty of the church not to wait for the un. saved to come to places of worship to hear the gospel, but in the spirit of its great Master to carry the message of mercy to the localities where they dwell. In the evening, at eight o'clock, an open-air meeting was held at the Parade Ground, where there has been preaching almost every night during the sum

At nine, those who were willing to assist in the effort, proposed to be made during the race days, were invited to meet in the Lecture Room. Upwards of forty met. An earnest, determined, and prayerful spirit pervaded the meeting. It was resolved that a large quantity of appropriate tracts should be distributed to the people, both in going to and returning from the races, that a special prayer meeting should be held every afternoon, that there should be preaching on the Parade Ground for three or four hours every night while people were passing from the race-course, and an after-meeting at the Lecture Room; and, if practicable, that all the young men should go out in a band to the tents on the moor, and warn the people to fee from the wrath to come, and point them to the Saviour. At the close the free-will-offerings towards the effort amounted to a handsome sum. The arrangements were all carried out with much energy and success. About sixty thousand tracts were distributed on the three days, in most cases willingly received, and read. The Revs. J. H. Rutherford, W. Telfer, and other friends preached every night to great numbers of people. Several enquirers were conversed with; and some interesting cases of good done appeared. Late in the evening a moral police force went to the race-ground, and through among the publican's tents, sounding forth the warnings and invitations of the gospel. They met with less opposition than they had almost anticipated. Only a few clods were thrown at them one of the nights at the instigation of a publican, who complained that they were robbing him of his living. The entire expense of the effort was met by the young men themselves; and so encouraged were they that they have resolved, we understand, to make future efforts on a still more extensive scale.

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Who knows not that truth is strong, next to the Almighty; she needs no policies, nor stratagems, nor licensings to make her victorious, those are the shifts and the defences that error uses against her power.—MILTON.

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The fate of Poland is a warning to Europe. The diplomacy that betrayed, and the force that crushed it, still live alike active and unsubdued, the enemies of freedom, and the hope of despotism, everywhere. In 1855 we are paying in blood and treasure, for our carelessness and apathy in 1794. The partition of Poland has given birth to the struggle before Sebastopol. Retribution now comes upon us for regarding the pleasure of Emperors more than the welfare of peoples. Again and again, the patriot has turned to us with imploring eye, to seek our recognition more than our help, but we have not been able to see him for multitudes of crowned heads, who must not be offended. We have had no ear for the cry of oppressed and trampled nations. Ourselves, acting the tyrant, when it suited, toward weaker peoples, we have not had conscience to rebuke other tyrants. Overbearing towards the feeble, we have crouched to the strong. Lulled asleep in the Delilah-lap of diplomacy, we have been shorn of our strength, have formed alliances that have only fettered us, and have abrogated the honourable character of friends and advocates of suffering nations. It is time that we awoke. Till we have more conscience, our protection will ever be feeble, our arms unsuccessful, and our alliances insecure. Or, if the bravery of our troops should win for us victory, it will be turned into disaster, by the weakness of our councils. It is not one of our leaders

No. 3, Vol. II,

alone like Lord John Russell, that has committed political suicide, but all of them ; nor our leaders alone, but the entire nation.

Our rulers seem to have laid it down as an axiom of their policy, that, as the result of the present war, there shall be no limitation of Russian territory This, we suppose, is the price, of the Austrian 'alliance ! —ản alliance which has hitherto brought us only uncertainty and disappointment, and may yet bring us terrible disaster.

The spoliation of Poland, was the joint. act of Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Lithuania, Volhynia, and Podolia, which fell to Russia, contained no fewer than nine millions of inhabitants ; while the grand-duchy of Warsaw, which she got by the treaty of 1815, brought her four mil. lions more, and gave her a dangerous ascendancy over the neighbouring riation's, by bringing her within one hundred' and eighty miles of Berlin and Vienna. From that day she became not merely a great Asiatic, but a great European power. The high breakwater between her and Constantinople was swept away, and her ascendancy over Europe became only a matter of time.

The same hand that crushed the revolution in Poland in 1830, in 1853 aimed a blow at Turkey, by which he hoped effectually to attain his great object. His apologists, who have faith in his word, as an · English gentleman,' will do well to refresh their memories with the facts of his subjugation of Poland.

The Poles had tasted freedom and longed for more. Their material prosperity had greatly increased from the year 1815. The army; thirty thousand strong, was in the very highest state of discipline. The resources of the country had been developed with amazing rapidity:

Still many grievances were complained off. Constantine, the viceroy, was capricious and passiouate. From 1825 to 1830, the sittings of the Chambers had been discontinued ; and independent thought was sought to be stifled by a rigid censorship of the press. The general prosperity of the country and the sight of so many Polish uniforms in Warsaw, increased the passion for independance. The greatest unity of spirit and purpose pervaded the minās of the nobles, the students, and the common people. Their cause appeared righteous and their strength almost irresistible. Ever since the year 1825, when by a bold but cruel stroke, Nicholas, had crushed the rising spirit of freedom in the capital of his empire, an immense secret society had'existed in Poland, whose principal object was, the restoration of the national independence. Never was an object more purely patriotic, never was a secret better kept. Excited to enthusiasm by the news of the French Revolution, on the 29th of Nov. 1830, the Poles rose to demand their rights, when one of their leaders announced on the evening of that day at the gate of the barrack military school, that the hour of liberty had struck.' The Polish troops were unanimous. They returned to Warsaw from their respective camps, and were received in the capital with the highest joy. An adminstrative council was instantly formed, and steps were immediately taken to raise a powerful national army. "A 'masterspirit being required to give direction to the movement, Chlopricki assumed a provisional dictatorship till the Diet should meet. With ability, energy, and disinterested patriotism, he ruled. He first sought to accomplish the liberation of his country by negotiations with the Czar, but decisively prepared for the worst. The union of the provinces of Lithuania


Volhynia, and Podolia, with the kingdom of Poland, were the principal points which they claimed at the court of Nicholas. He received their envoys with the utmost coldness, and warned them that the first cannonshot fired would be the signal of the ruin of Poland.

Show The course pursued by Austria and Prussia was all that the Czar could desire, and as inimical as it could be to the cause of freedom without aetually attempting to crush it with the sword. Each of them collected an army of observation upon the frontiers, allowed no correspondence to pass from Poland through their dominions, and kept the harbours of Dantzic and Königsberg, closed against all convoys of ammunition and provisions, even though they should come from France or England. Poland was thus isolated and surrounded with bayonets, preparatory to her being crushed. Austria, true to the policy to which to this hour she clings, opened up secret negotiations with Poland, consenting to the restoration of her nationality, provided a prince of the house of Austria were accepted as King, and that the arrangements were made with the concurrence of France and England France was favourable. England dismissed the envoy with every expression of regret that it could not interfere. Belgium was then on its hands, a Coburg had to be cared for, and Poland, by the present prime minister of England, then her foreign minister, was left to its fate. He too, has been true to his policy, and Poland is still forgotten. Our moral influence was not exerted to secure the independence of Poland in 1830, and in 1855, we have to contend for the independence of Turkey with the sword.

(165 RAY The Poles, single-handed, had to contend for their liberties, and in the contest showed themselves worthier of a better fate than awaited them. The citizens of Warsaw, scarcely numbering a hundred and forty thousand persons, in one day, contributed 800,000 florins to the service of the state, and Chlopicki devoted his salary of 200,000 florins to the same cause. Meanwhile, Nicholas issued an animated proclamation to rouse the anim'osity of his people, branded the Poles as traitors, collected an army of 110,000 men on the frontier, and placed Diebitch, the Passer of the Balkan, at their head. Thus menaced, the Polish Diet, before throwing away the scabbard, addressed a manifesto to the nations of Europe, which is to this day a noble and solemn witness against the cowardice of those who feared to say that their cause was just, or the apathy of those who admitted it just, but allowed it to be sacrificed to the ambition of the Czar. Let England read that document, and at the present crisis remember its sin of omission, in allowing so noble a nation to be crushed by the despot's yoke.

The world knows too well the infamous machinations, tlie vile calumnies, the open violence, and secret treasons, which have accompanied the three dismemberments of ancient Poland. History, of which they have become the property, has stigmatized them as political erimes, of the deepest dye. The solemn grief which that viğlence has spread through the whole country, has caused the feel ings of nationality to be preserved without interruption.

That country has risen from its ashes, and, though restrained within narrow limits, Poland has received from the hero of the last age, its language, its rights, its liberties,=gifts in themselves precious, but rendered doubly so by the hopes to with which they were accompanied. From that nioment his cause has become ours, our blood became his rinheritance ; and when our allies and Heaven itself seemed to have abandoned him, the Poles shared the disasters of the hero rand


the fall together of a great man and an unfortunate nation exhorted the involuntary esteem of the conquerers themselves. That sentiment produced a deep impression; the sovereign of Europe in a moment of danger, promised to the world a durable peace; and the Congress of Vienna, in some sort, softened the evils of our unhappy country., A nationality and entire freedom of internal commerce were guaranteed to all parts of ancient Poland, and that portion of it which the strife of Europe had left independent, though matilated on three sides, received the name of a kingdom, and was put under the guardianship of the Emperor Alexander, with a constitutional charter and the hope of future extension.

In performance of these stipulations, he gave a liberal constitution to the kingdom, and held out to the Poles, under his immediate government, the hope of being, ere long, reunited to their severed brethren.

But the hopes inspired by these circumstances proved as short-lived as they were fallacious. The Poles, saw that under cover of the sacred names of liberty and independence, he was resolved to reduce the nation to the lowest point of degradation and servitude. The measures pursued in regard to the army first revealed this infamous design. The liberty of the press, the publication of debates, was tolerated only so long as they resounded with strains of adulation ; but the moment that the real discussion of affairs commenced, the most rigid censorship of the press was introduced, and after the sittings of the Diet closed, they prosecuted the members of it for the opinions they had expressed in it.

The union, on one head, of the crown of the Autocrat and of the constitutional King of Poland, is one of those political monstrosities which could not by possibility long endure. Every one foresaw that the kingdom of Poland must be to Russia the germ of liberal institutions, or itself perish under the iron hand of its despot. That question was soon resolved. If Alexander ever entertained the idea of reconciling the extent of his despotic power with the popularity of liberal institutions amongst us, it was but for a moment. He soon showed by his acts that the moment he discovered that liberty would not become the blind instrument of slavery, he was to be its most violent prosecutor. That system was soon put in execution. Public instruction was first corrupted; it was made the mere instrument of despotism. An entire palatinate was next deprived of its representatives in the council,—the chambers of the power of voting on the budget; new taxes were imposed without their authority; monopolies destructive of industry were created; and the treasury became a mere fountain of corruption, from whence, in lieu of the retrenchment, which the nation had so often solicited, pensions and gratuities were distributed with the most scandalous profusion amongst the supporters of government. Calumny and espionage soon invaded the privacy and destroyed the happiness of domestic life; the ancient hospitality of the Poles was converted into a snare for innocence. Individual liberty, so solemnly guaranteed, was every day violated; the prisons were filled, and courts-martial, proceeding to take cognisance of civil offences, inflicted infamous and degrading punishments on citizens, whose only fault was, to have endeavoured to stem the torrent of corruption which overspread the country.

In the ancient provinces of Poland, incorporated with Russia, matters have been still worse. Since the accession of the Emperor Nicholas, all these evils have rapidly increased, and intolerance coming to the aid of despotism, has left nothing undone to extirpate the Catholic worship, and force the Greek ritual in its stead.' The Russians demanded absolute surrender. The Poles insisted

the justice of their claims. The Autocrat was unbending. On the 19th of January, 1831, the Diet met to decide the question of peace or war.

Poles,' said Prince Czar-toryski, the president, our cause is sacred, our fate depends upon the Most High, but we owe it to


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